The Virginians came steadily on75 until they reached the Big Island of the French Broad.76 Here the Cherokees had gathered their warriors, and they sent a tory trader across with a flag of truce. Christian well knowing that the Virginians greatly outnumbered the Indians, let the man go through his camp at will,77 and sent him back with word that the Cherokee towns were doomed, for that he would surely march to them and destroy them. That night he left half of his men in camp, lying on their arms by the watch-fires, while with the others he forded the river below and came round to surprise the Indian encampment from behind; but he found that the Indians had fled, for their hearts had become as water, nor did they venture at any time, during this expedition, to molest the white forces. Following them up, Christian reached the towns early in November,78 and remained two weeks, sending out parties to burn the cabins and destroy the stores of corn and potatoes. The Indians79 sent in a flag to treat for peace, surrendering the horses and prisoners they had taken, and agreeing to fix a boundary and give up to the settlers the land they already had, as well as some additional territory. Christian made peace on these terms and ceased his ravages, but he excepted the town of Tuskega, whose people had burned alive the boy taken captive at Watauga. This town he reduced to ashes.
Nor would the chief Dragging Canoe accept peace at all; but gathering round him the fiercest and most unruly of the young men, he left the rest of the tribe and retired to the Chickamauga fastnesses.
When the preliminary truce had been made Christian marched his forces homeward, and disbanded them a fortnight before Christmas, leaving a garrison at Holston, Great Island. During the ensuing spring and summer peace treaties were definitely concluded between the Upper Cherokees and Virginia and North Carolina at the Great Island of the Holston,80 and between the Lower Cherokees and South Carolina and Georgia at De Witt’s Corners. The Cherokees gave up some of their lands; of the four seacoast provinces South Carolina gained most, as was proper, for she had done and suffered most.81
The Watauga people and the Westerners generally were the real gainers by the war. Had the Watauga settlements been destroyed, they would no longer have covered the Wilderness Road to Kentucky; and so Kentucky must perforce have been abandoned. But the followers of Robertson and Sevier stood stoutly for their homes; not one of them fled over the mountains. The Cherokees had been so roughly handled that for several years they did not again go to war as a body; and this not only gave the settlers a breathing time, but also enabled them to make themselves so strong that when the struggle was renewed they could easily hold their own. The war was thus another and important link in the chain of events by which the West was won; and had any link in the chain snapped during these early years, the peace of 1783 would probably have seen the trans-Alleghany country in the hands of a non-American power.
1 Mr. Phelan, in his “History of Tennessee,” deserves especial praise for having so clearly understood the part played by the Scotch-Irish.
2 The Campbell MSS. contain allusions to various such feuds, and accounts of the jealousies existing not only between families, but between prominent members of the same family.
3 See Milfort, Smyth, etc., as well as the native writers.
4 Executions for “treason,” murder, and horse-stealing were very common. For an instance where the three crimes were treated alike as deserving the death penalty the perpetrators being hanged, see Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. III, p. 361.
5 “American Archives,” 4th Series, Vol. VI, p. 541. But parties of young braves went on the warpath from time to time.
6 Do., Vol. III, p. 790.
7 Do., Vol. VI, p. 1228.
8 See Milfort, pp. 46, 134, etc.
9 “American Archives,” 4th Series, Vol. I, p. 1094, for example of fight between Choctaws and Creeks.
10 Do., Vol. IV, p. 317. Letter of Agent John Stuart to General Gage, St. Augustine, Oct. 3, 1775.
11 State Department MSS. No. 71, Vol. II, p. 189. Letter of David Taitt, Deputy Superintendent (of British) in Creek Nation.
12 “American Archives,” Vol. III, p. 218, August 21, 1775.
13 Do., p. 790, September 25, 1775.
14 State Department MSS., No. 51, Vol. II, p. 17 (volume of “Intercepted Letters”). Letters of Andrew Rainsford, John Mitchell, and Alex. McCullough, to Rt. Hon. Lord George Germain.
15 No body of British troops in the Revolution bore such a dark stain on its laurels as the massacre at Fort William Henry left on the banners of Montcalm; even the French, not to speak of the Spaniards and Mexicans, were to us far more cruel foes than the British, though generally less formidable. In fact the British, as conquerors and rulers in America, though very disagreeable, have not usually been either needlessly cruel nor (relatively speaking) unjust, and compare rather favorably with most other European nations.
16 Though it must be remembered that in our own war with Mexico we declined the proffered—and valuable—aid of the Comanches.
17 State Department MSS. “Intercepted Letters,” Pensacola, July 12, 1779.
18 Do.
19 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, I, 610.
20 Stuart and Cameron; the latter dwelt among them, and incited them to war.
21 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, III, 649.
22 The only British attempt made at that time against the Southern colonies was in too small force and failed.
23 “American Archives,” 4th Series, Vol. III, p. 1112.
24 Do., 5th Series, Vol. I, p. III.
25 Do., 4th Series, Vol. VI, p. 1229.
26 Her name was Nancy Ward. Campbell MSS., Haywood, etc.
27 Ramsey, 144. The buffalo were killed (winter of 1775-1776) twelve miles northeast of Carter’s Valley.
28 Haywood and his followers erroneously call it Heaton’s; in the Campbell MSS, as well as the “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, I, p. 464, it is called Eaton’s or Amos Eaton’s. This is contemporary authority. Other forts were Evan Shelby’s, John Shelby’s, Campbell’s, the Wommack Fort, etc.
29 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, I, 973.
30 “American Pioneers,” I, 534. Letter of Benjamin Sharp, who was in the fort at the time as a boy fourteen years old.
31 Many writers speak as if all the Indians were in these two bands, which was not so. It is impossible to give their numbers exactly; probably each contained from 150 to 300 warriors.
32 James Thompson, James Shelby, William Buchanan, John Campbell, William Cocke, and Thomas Madison. See their letter of August 2, 1776, “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, I, 464. Haywood, relying on tradition, says five companies gathered; he is invaluable as an authority, but it must be kept in mind that he often relies on traditional statement.
33 The report of the six captains says “two divisions”; from Haywood we learn that the two divisions were two lines, evidently marching side by side, there being a right line and a left line.
34 See James Smith, passim.
35 Among the later Campbell MSS. are a number of copies of papers containing traditional accounts of this battle. They are mostly very incorrect, both as to the numbers and losses of the Indians and whites, and as to the battle itself very little help can be derived from them.
36 Campbell MSS.
37 Do.
38 Tennessee historians sometimes call it the battle of Long Island; which confuses it with Washington’s defeat of about the same date.
39 The captains’ report says the Indians were “not inferior” in numbers; they probably put them at a maximum. Hay wood and all later writers greatly exaggerate the Indian numbers; as also their losses, which are commonly placed at “over 40,” “26 being left dead on the ground.” In reality only 13 were so left; but in the various skirmishes on the Watauga about this time, from the middle of July to the middle of August, the backwoodsmen took in all 26 scalps, and one prisoner (“American Archives,” 5th Series, I, 973). This is probably the origin of the “26 dead” story; the “over 40” being merely a flourish. Ramsey gives a story a
bout Isaac Shelby rallying the whites to victory, and later writers of course follow and embellish this; but Shelby’s MS. autobiography (see copy in Col. Durrett’s library at Louisville) not only makes no mention of the battle, but states that Shelby was at this time in Kentucky; he came back in August or September, and so was hundreds of miles from the place when the battle occurred. Ramsey gives a number of anec dotes of ferocious personal encounters that took place during the battle. Some of them are of very doubtful value—for instance that of the man who killed six of the most daring Indians himself (the total number killed being only thirteen), and the account of the Indians all retreating when they saw another of their champions vanquished. The climax of absurdity is reached by a recent writer, Mr. Kirke, who, after embodying in his account all the errors of his predecessors and adding several others on his own responsibility, winds up by stating that “two hundred and ten men under Sevier and [Isaac] Shelby … beat back … fifteen thousand Indians.” These numbers can only be reached by comparing an exaggerated estimate of all the Cherokees, men, women, and children, with the white men encountered by a very small proportion of the red warriors in the first two skirmishes. Moreover, as already shown, Shelby was nowhere near the scene of conflict, and Sevier was acting as Robertson’s subaltern.
40 Another fort, called Fort Lee, had been previously held by Sevier but had been abandoned; see Phelan, p. 42.
41 “American Archives,” 5th Series, I, 973; 500 women and children.
42 Campbell MSS. Haywood says that the first help came from Evan Shelby; Col. Russell at Eaton’s Station proving dilatory. In the Campbell MSS. are some late letters written by sons of the Captain Campbell who took part in the Island Flats fight, denying this statement.
43 “American Archives,” 5th Series, I, 973. Of the Watauga settlers eighteen men, two women, and several children had been killed; two or three were taken captive. Of the Indians twenty-six were scalped; doubtless several others were slain. Of course these figures only apply to the Watauga neighborhood.
44 Do., p. 611.
45 “History of Georgia,” Hugh McCall, Savannah, 1816, p. 76.
46 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, I, 610.
47 Do., 4th Series, VI, 1228.
48 Do., 5th Series, I, 613.
49 Do., 5th Series, I, 7, and III, 649. The Georgia frontiers men seem to have been peculiarly brutal in their conduct to the Creeks; but the latter were themselves very little, if at all, better.
50 McCall; five families captured; in three skirmishes eight whites were killed and six Indian scalps taken.
51 McCall; the Tennessee historians erroneously assign the command to Col. McBury.
52 “View of South Carolina,” John Drayton, Charleston, 1802, p. 231. A very good book.
53 More exactly two hundred and twenty-two, on the 8th of July.
54 E. g., at Hogskin Creek and Barker’s Creek.
55 Lyndley’s Fort, on Rayborn Creek.
56 Eleven hundred and fifty-one, of whom one hundred and thirty were riflemen. He was camped at Twenty-three Mile Creek.
57 At Tomassee, where he put to flight a body of two or three hundred warriors, he lost eight killed and fifteen wounded, and at Tugelou, four wounded. Besides these two towns, he also destroyed Soconee, Keowee, Ostatay, Cheho-kee, Eustustie, Sugaw Town, and Brass Town.
58 All militia, of course, with only the training they had received on the rare muster days; but a warlike set, utterly unlike ordinary militia, and for woodland work against savages in many respects much superior to European regulars. This campaign against the Cherokees was infinitely more successful than that waged in 1760 against the same foe by armies of grenadiers and highlanders.
59 That is, after the return of the South Carolinians from their destruction of the lower towns.
60 “Historical Sketches of North Carolina,” John H. Wheeler, Phil., 1851, p. 383.
61 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, Vol. II, p. 1235.
62 Up Hominy Creek, across the Pigeon, up Richland Creek, across Tuckaseigee River, over Cowee Mount.
63 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, II, p. 1235.
64 Do.
65 Drayton. There was a good deal of jealousy between the two armies, and their reports conflict on some points.
66 There is some conflict in the accounts of the destruction of the valley towns; after carefully comparing the accounts in the “American Archives,” Drayton, White, Ramsey, etc., I believe that the above is substantially accurate. However, it is impossible to reconcile all of the accounts of the relative order of Rutherford’s and Williamson’s marches.
67 Drayton; the “Am. Archives” say only twelve killed and twenty wounded. In another skirmish at Cheowee three South Carolinians were killed.
68 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, II, p. 1235.
69 “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, II, p. 1235.
70 Do., p. 990; Drayton puts the total Cherokee loss at two hundred.
71 Do., Vol. III, p. 33.
72 These two events took place on September 26th and 29th; “Am. Archives,” 5th Series, Vol. II, p. 540. Ramsey is thus wrong in saying no white was killed on this expedition.
73 McAfee MSS.; one of the McAfees went along and preserved a rough diary of dates.
74 “History of Virginia,” John Burke (continued by L. H. Girardin), Petersburg, 1816, p. 176.
75 After camping a few days at Double Springs, the head waters of Lick Creek, to let all the Watauga men come up.
76 They sent spies in advance. The trail led through for ests and marshy canebrakes; across Nolichucky, up Long Creek and down Dunplin Creek to the French Broad. Hay wood and Ramsey.
77 McAfee MSS.
78 Nov. 5th. Do.
79 Nov. 8th. Do.
80 The boundary then established between the Cherokees and Watauga people was known as Brown’s Line.
81 As a very rough guess after a careful examination of all the authorities, it may be said that in this war somewhat less than two hundred Indians were slain, all warriors. The loss of the whites in war was probably no greater; but it included about-as many more women and children. So that perhaps two or three times as many whites as Indians were killed, counting in every one.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX A—TO CHAPTER I
I
(Campbell MSS.; this letter and the one following are from copies, and the spelling, etc., may not be quite as in the originals.)
CAMP OPPOSITE THE MOUTH OF THE GREAT KENAWAY,
October 16—1774
DEAR UNCLE,
I gladly embrace this opportunity to acquaint you that we are all here yet alive through God’s mercies, & I sincerely wish that this may find you and your family in the station of health that we left you. I never had anything worth notice to acquaint you with since I left you till now—the express seems to be hurrying, that I can not write you with the same coolness and deliberation as I would. We arrived at the mouth of the Canaway, thursday 6th. Octo. and encamped on a fine piece of ground, with an intent to wait for the Governor and his party but hearing that he was going another way we contented ourselves to stay there a few days to rest the troops, &c. where we looked upon ourselves to be in safety till Monday morning the 10th. instant when two of our company went out before day to hunt—to wit Val. Sevier and James Robinson and discovered a party of Indians. As I expect you will hear something of our battle before you get this, I have here stated the affair nearly to you:
For the satisfaction of the people in your parts in this they have a true state of the memorable battle fought at the mouth of the Great Canaway on the 10th. instant. Monday morning about half an hour before sunrise, two of Capt. Russells company discovered a large party of Indians about a mile from camp, one of which men was killed, the other made his escape & brought in his intelligence. In two or three minutes after, two of Capt. Shelby’s Company came in & confirmed the account, Col. Andrew Lewis being informed thereof immediately ordered Col. Charles Lewis to take the command of 150 men
from Augusta and with him went Capt. Dickison, Capt. Harrison, Capt. Wilson, Capt. John Lewis, from Augusta and Capt. Sockridge which made the first division. Col. Fleming was also ordered to take the command of one hundred and fifty more, consisting of Battertout, Fincastle & Bedford troops,—viz., Capt. Buford of Bedford, Capt. Lewis of Battertout, Capt. Shelby & Capt. Russell of Fincastle which made the second division. Col. Lewis marched with his division to the right some distance from the Ohio. Col. Fleming with his division up the bank of the Ohio to the left. Col. Lewis’ division had not marched little more than a quarter of a mile from camp when about sunrise, an attack was made on the front of his division in a most vigorous manner by the united tribes Indians,—Shawnees, Delawares, Mingoes, Taways, and of several other nations, in number not less than eight hundred, and by many thought to be a thousand. In this heavy attack Col. Charles Lewis received a wound which soon after caused his death, and several of his men fell on the spot,—in fact the Augusta division was forced to give way to the heavy fire of the enemy. In about the second of a minute after the attack on Col. Lewis’ division, the enemy engaged of Col. Fleming’s division on the ohio and in a short time Col. Fleming received two balls thro’ his left arm and one thro’ his breast; and after animating the Captains & soldiers in a calm manner to the pursuit of victory returned to the camp. The loss of the brave Col’s was severely felt by the officers in particular. But the Augusta troops being shortly reinforced from camp by Col. Field with his company, together with Capt. M’Dowers, Capt. Matthew’s and Capt. Stewart’s from Augusta; Capt. John Lewis, Capt. Paulins, Capt. Arbuckle’s, and Capt. M’Clannahan’s from Battertout. The enemy no longer able to maintain their ground was forced to give way till they were in a line with the troops left in action on branches of ohio by Col. Fleming. In this precipitate retreat Col. Field was killed; after which Capt. Shelby was ordered to take the command. During this time which was till after twelve of the clock, the action continued extremely hot, the close underwood, many steep banks and logs greatly favored their retreat, and the bravest of their men made the best use of themselves, while others were throwing their dead into the ohio, and carrying off the wounded. After twelve the action in a small degree abated, but continued sharp enough till after one o’clock. Their long retreat gave them a most advantageous spot of ground; from which it appeared to the officers so difficult to dislodge them, that it was thought most advisable, to stand as the line was then formed, which was about a mile and a quarter in length, and had till then sustained a constant and equal weight of fire from wing to wing. It was till half an hour of sunset they continued firing on us, which we returned to their disadvantage, at length night coming on they found a safe retreat. They had not the satisfaction of scalping any of our men save one or two stragglers, whom they killed before the engagement. Many of their dead they scalped rather than we should have them, but our troops scalped upward of twenty of those who were first killed. Its beyond a doubt, their loss in numbers far exceeds ours which is considerable.
The Winning of the West Page 29