Clio's Lives

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by Doug Munro


  people, the cast’. Finally, the publication of Percival Serle’s two-volume

  Dictionary of Australian Biography in 1949 convinced Fitzhardinge that

  writing biographical dictionaries was ‘no longer a one-man job. It’s got to

  be a team job on the model of the DNB’.41

  At Oxford, on the advice of R.C. Mills, the chair of the interim council

  at ANU, Fitzhardinge gave Hancock his report on the resources of the

  National Library. Hancock was impressed with Fitzhardinge and wanted

  to employ him as a bibliographical consultant on local materials for the

  various high-powered heads of schools that he was proposing to bring out

  to ANU. The Sydney University press project was aborted in 1948. When

  he was appointed Reader in the Sources of Australian History at ANU

  38 Davidson, A Three-Cornered Life; Gerald Walsh, ‘Recording “the Australian Experience”: Hancock and the Australian Dictionary of Biography’, in Low, Keith Hancock, 249–68. See also Nolan and Fernon, The ADB ’s Story, 5–9.

  39 Keith Hancock, ‘Formation of the Australian Dictionary of Biography’, Box 69, Q31, ADBA, ANUA.

  40 Laurie Fitzhardinge, Interview by Barbara Ross, 4–26 March 1987, TRC 2159, transcript,

  NLA, p. 2.

  41 Fitzhardinge, interview by Ross, 1987.

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  on Hancock’s recommendation in 1951, Fitzhardinge proposed that the

  ANU press project produce a dictionary of biography as its flagship. Again

  he was unsuccessful. He suggested the dictionary idea more widely at the

  1951 Australian and New Zealand Association for the Advancement of

  Science (ANZAAS) Conference, and started a Biographical Register in the

  history department at ANU in 1954.42 As Head of History, Fitzhardinge

  employed Pat Tillyrand and others to work on the card index, ‘building

  up material’ for a dictionary.43 Later, Fitzhardinge described his efforts as

  ‘a typically Fitzhardingian feeble and waffly attempt’ to get the dictionary

  off the ground: ‘I’d prepared a plan for the preparation, within our

  resources more or less, of a dictionary of biography – not to be written

  by the Department, to be an all-over effort, but not to be attempted all

  at once’.44 He envisaged the annual publication of articles contributed

  by Australian historians, which would build up, over the years, into

  a dictionary of concise articles organised alphabetically.

  Fitzhardinge acknowledged that it was Hancock, however, finally arriving

  as inaugural professor of history and director of the Research School of

  Social Sciences (RSSS) in 1957, who seized upon the dictionary idea and

  ‘turned imaginatively a set of cards into a great national achievement

  of historical scholarship’.45 He, Fitzhardinge admitted, ‘could do things

  which I would never have been able to do in a month of Sundays’.

  Drawing on his experience of overseeing the Civil Histories, Hancock set

  about organising a national collaboration. He wrote to all the professors

  of history and economic history, and all specialists in Australian history,

  inviting them to a conference in August 1957, together with non-

  academic historians (including journalist-historians Malcolm Ellis and

  Brian Fitzpatrick, Catholic archbishop and historian Dr Eris O’Brien and

  military historian Gavin Long), to discuss how to ‘advance the study of

  Australian history’.46 Ellis was one of the few attending who had both

  written biography and reflected on Australian biographical practice.

  He had published biographies of pastoralist John Macarthur, Governor

  42 W. K. H. [Hancock], ‘The ADB’ (12 April 1962), Box 69, Q31, ADBA, ANUA. ‘Excerpt from

  Statement prepared by Professor Hancock. Formation of the Australian Dictionary of Biography’, Box 69, Q31, ADBA, ANUA.

  43 George Temperly, Obituary ‘Patience (Pat) Australie Wardle nee Tillyard (20 June 1910–22

  April 1992)’, Canberra Historical Journal, no. 30 (September 1992), 5–7.

  44 Fitzhardinge, interview by Ross, 1987.

  45 ‘Notes and News, Arrival of Hancock in Canberra’, Historical Studies, 7:28 (1957), 486–7.

  46 Fred A. Alexander, Boyce Gibson, Margaret Gowing and Robin Gollan, ‘Hancock: Some

  Reminiscences’, Historical Studies, 13:51 (1968), 229–306, doi.org/10.1080/10314616808595379.

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  11 . CouNtRY aND KiN CalliNG?

  Lachlan Macquarie and architect Francis Greenway. He was on record

  in 1955 as describing most Australian biographies as being like ‘licking

  the cold outside of a champagne bottle on a thirsty day’.47 Hancock,

  however, deftly steered the conversation of this first conference, by,

  and for, Australian historians, towards a dictionary project: by the end,

  they agreed that a ‘Concise Dictionary of Australian Biography’ was

  the single most important priority for stimulating the development of

  Australian history.48

  As well as Hancock’s first publication in 1926 on Ricasoli as dictator of

  Tuscany, he had lectured on Machiavelli’s morality and expediency, and

  in the early 1950s he began to research General Jan Christiaan Smuts’

  biography. He was not hampered in his own biographical projects by lack

  of knowledge of milieu, but he was aware that some of his colleagues

  thought the problem of a lack of historiographical context was acting as

  a governor on the writing of Australian biography. As late as during the

  1930s, academics such as Gerry Portus had maintained that ‘Australian

  history was not deserving of being a university subject’.49 Ernest Scott

  introduced a course at Melbourne in the early 1930s; in 1946, Clark

  became the second historian to teach a full-length course in Australian

  history, and he was soon followed by others.50 Moreover, Fred Johns,

  whose 1906 Johns’s Notable Australians was the precursor of Who’s Who in

  Australia, had wanted to stimulate academic biography and bequeathed

  the sum of £1,500 to the University of Adelaide in 1932 for the purpose

  of founding ‘the Fred Johns Scholarship for Biography’ to encourage the

  writing of biographies on eminent Australians.51 The scholarly journal

  Historical Studies: Australia and New Zealand had been founded in 1940

  and a body of scholarly articles on Australian history was being published.

  The journal’s editor from 1940 to 1949, the historian Gwyn James, had

  47 Malcolm Henry Ellis, ‘The Writing of Australian Biographies’, Historical Studies, Australia and New Zealand, 6:24 (1955), 432, doi.org/10.1080/10314615508595013.

  48 Robin Gollan, ‘Canberra History Conference’, Historical Studies, Australia and New Zealand, 8:29

  (1957), 81, doi.org/10.1080/10314615708595099; Ellis, ‘The Writing of Australian Biographies’, 432.

  W. K. H. [Hancock], ‘The ADB’ (12 April 1962), Box 69, Q31, ADBA, ANUA; ‘Excerpt from Statement prepared by Professor Hancock. Formation of the Australian Dictionary of Biography’, Box 69, Q31, ADBA, ANUA; Stuart Macintyre, ‘Biography’, in Davison et al., The Oxford Companion to Australian History, 72.

  49 Mark McKenna, An Eye for Eternity: The Life of Manning Clark (Melbourne: Miegunyah Press, 2011), 250.

  50 My thanks to Stuart Macintyre for drawing my attention to Scott’s pioneering course at

  Melbourne, email, 9 July 2016.

  51 Johns’s Notable Australians became Wh
o’s Who in Australia, published in 1927–8, 1933–4, 1935, 1938, 1941, 1944, 1947, 1950 and 1955; and then triennially from 1959 to 1988.

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  also been appointed director of Melbourne University Press (MUP) and,

  over the period of his tenure from 1943 to 1962, he began to welcome

  academic biography.52 Academic historians began to publish biography,

  including Margaret Kiddle on Caroline Chishom with MUP in 1957

  and others followed such as George Mackaness and Kathleen Fitzpatrick.

  Fitzhardinge himself seriously began his biography of W. Hughes in

  1952 (although volume one did not appear until 1964 and volume two

  in 1979).53

  So an Australian dictionary of biography project in the late 1950s was

  a timely proposal. There was a developing disciplinary infrastructure,

  as well as a broader historical consciousness. Indeed, writing in 1962,

  Green noted that Australian history ‘stretches out behind its present like

  a long wake’ and was being populated; the developing universities were

  providing ‘biographers with opportunities’ but, above all, a large element

  in Australia ‘in the best sense’ had become ‘literate’.54 Australia had 6

  universities and approximately 10,500 students before 1939; there were

  10 universities with 53,000 students by 1960; there were 19 universities

  with 148,000 students by 1975.55 The number of historians grew in leaps

  and bounds.

  There was also agreement among those who attended the 1957 conference

  that the growing sources in Australia would sustain good biography,

  taking account of human agency and consciousness. Australian historians’

  intellectual reference point was the English historical philosopher and

  idealist R.G. Collingwood, who emphasised not how a biographical

  subject might appear from an external perspective but rather how the

  person’s thought processes could be assessed. Collingwood argued in

  The Idea of History that history consisted of ‘recollection’ of the ‘thinking of

  historical personages’.56 This required depth of evidence and the maturity

  to interpret it. It required biographical understanding, too. Similarly,

  Wilhelm Dilthey had written on how the past is based on personal

  memory and the importance of narrative to ideas of subjectivity. He held

  52 Peter Ryan, Final Proof: Memoirs of a Publisher (Sydney: Quadrant Books, 2010).

  53 Argus, 9 December 1952, 3. Stephen Foster interview of L.F. Fitzhardinge on 5 August 1992, ANU History Project, ANUA 44, Transcripts and tapes of oral history interviews, interview no. 26

  by Stephen Foster, 5 August 1992, pp. 14–17, ANU Archives.

  54 Green, A History of Australian Literature, Pure and Applied, 1355–6.

  55 Jim Breen, Higher Education in Australia: Structure, Policy & Debate (Melbourne: Monash University, 2002), sections 5.2, 5.3.

  56 R.G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946).

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  11 . CouNtRY aND KiN CalliNG?

  that reflective autobiographical material helped understand human and

  historical life: ‘[U]nderstanding the meaning of history requires both an

  inner articulation of the temporal structures of our own experience and

  the interpretation of the external objectifications of others.’ E.H. Carr

  was to use and popularise Dilthey’s ideas in his lectures published in

  1961 as What is History? .57 Concerns about the availability of sources

  that were sufficiently rich to sustain research on an Australian subject’s

  consciousness were assuaged by the developing archives collections.

  Indeed, Fitzhardinge’s job at the Commonwealth National Library from

  1934 to 1946 had been Historical Research Officer in charge of Australian

  collections.58 Australia’s national archives were separated from the National

  Library in 1954.59 As collections of papers developed, specialist Australian

  biographical bibliographies also appeared.60

  More difficult to overcome, however, was a prejudice against biography.

  Francis West argued that historians such as Sir Lewis Namier, noted

  historian of the British Parliament, and the Cambridge historian and

  Tudor specialist Geoffrey Elton belittled biography. To some extent, West

  misread both historians’ ‘opposition’ to biography; the point is that they

  both grappled with the relationship between the individual and human

  nature.61 West was right to argue, however, that academic historians had

  shunned biography; in the twentieth century, biography had been the

  work of ‘non-historians’. 62 The rise of structuralism and social history

  undermined explanations based on the role of the individual in history.

  Hancock devoted a chapter of his Professing History to these issues,

  explaining historians’ reluctance to write biography and criticising that

  reluctance. He argued that during the postwar period, historians had been

  ‘unduly subservient to the then fashionable doctrine that history is always

  made by “impersonal forces, never persons”’. He lamented the popularity

  of Marxist ideas of history from below, and sociological ideas of statistical

  57 H.P. Rickman, ed., Meaning in History: W. Dilthey’s Thoughts on History and Society (London: Allen & Unwin, 1961), 15; E.H. Carr, What is History? (New York: Knopf, 1962).

  58 Peter Cochrane, Remarkable Occurrences: The National Library of Australia’s First 100 Years (Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2001), 27.

  59 See, for instance, Hilary Golder, Documenting a Nation: Australian Archives – The First Fifty Years (Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1994).

  60 See Ulrich Ellis, Select Bibliography of Australian Political Biography and Autobiography (Canberra: Ulrich Ellis, 1958).

  61 See, for instance, Linda Colley, Lewis Namier (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1989), 72–89.

  62 Francis West, Biography as History: The Annual Lecture delivered to The Australian Academy of the Humanities at its Fourth Annual General Meeting at Canberra on 15 May 1973 (Sydney: Sydney University Press for the Australian Academy of the Humanities, 1973), 1.

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  averages that had undermined biography.63 More prosaically, Hancock

  was all too aware of how a dictionary of biography would in turn help

  to promote biography. As he argued to the ANU council in May 1962,

  ‘when I started work on Smuts, I found good cause to curse the lack

  of a South African DNB … If a Dictionary had existed, I should have

  been saved a year or more of finicky work’, tracking down references to

  hundreds of individuals.64

  As Hancock convinced others it would, the ADB was established and

  proved to be the midwife of much Australian biographical practice.

  So, initially based on a plan Ellis proposed, with the cooperation of the

  state universities, and the general public, the ADB began. Articles started

  to be drafted in 1959 and the first two volumes of the ADB were published

  in 1966 and 1967. Retrospectively, delivering in 1973 the annual lecture

  to the Australian Academy of the Humanities, West credited the ‘Past

  President, Sir Keith Hancock, and his official ancestor as Chairman of

  the Australian Humanities Research Council, Professor James Auchmuty’

  for regarding biography as ‘the proper concern’ of an historian over the

&
nbsp; objections of some distinguished historians, and for helping turn around

  attitudes. Instead of resorting to Britain, students were born and bred

  in Australia. Hancock welcomed the burgeoning of Australian biography

  under his supervision. For example, 10 per cent of the first 60 PhDs at

  the ANU were biographies and a number of others were biographical.

  This was not surprising, given that potential supervisors Fitzhardinge,

  Hancock and Manning Clark had written and were writing biographies,

  were involved in the ADB project, were writing memoirs and were being

  interviewed about their lives; in Clark’s case in 1967 as part of pioneering

  series of interviews by the oral historian Hazel de Berg.65

  63 Hancock, ‘My Particular Person’, in Professing History, 43–65.

  64 Hancock Notes [towards a history of the ADB], Box 69, Q31, ADBA, ANUA. Hancock’s

  ‘prehistory’ paper has not survived but his speaking notes for the ANU Council meeting of 11 May 1962 were comprehensive.

  65 W.K. Hancock, Smuts (2 vols; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962–8); L.F. Fitzhardinge, William Morris Hughes: A Political Biography (2 vols; Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1964–78). Hazel de Berg interviewed Clark on 25 May 1967, NLA, about his childhood, his work and how he collected his material, and Bernard Smith in 1975. The National Library holds interviews of Clark by a succession of interviewers, including Hazel de Berg, 1967 (DeB 253–54), Don Baker, 1985 (TRC 1187), Neville Meaney, 1986–87 (TRC 2053), Michelle Rowland, 1986 (TRC 2141) and Terry Lane, 1990 (ROH

  907.2092 C594). ANU had its own Oral History Program in the 1980s and 1990s, which included

  Manning Clark (1990 and 1991) and Robin (Bob) Gollan (1993). Other historians who wrote their autobiographies such as John Molony (2008) and John Mulvaney (2010) were included as interviewees in a more recent oral history project focusing on the ANU Emeritus Faculty.

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  11 . CouNtRY aND KiN CalliNG?

  From the outset, the chairs of the working parties across the country were

  contributing authors: Gregory McMinn (Newcastle), Edwin Tapp (New

  England), Bede Nairn (NSW), Allan Morrison (Queensland), Harold

  Finnis (South Australia), Geoffrey Serle (Victoria), Frank Clifton Green

  (Tasmania) and Frank Crowley (Western Australia), along with many

  of the working party members. McMinn, Nairn, Morrison and Serle

 

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