Although he was eager for praise, he did not seek it from any and every source, but rejoiced to be compared with the best (Plut. Alex iv. 5). Therefore to those who said that since he excelled in running he ought to enter his name among the contestants in the Olympic Games, after the example of a king of the same name as himself (Justin vii. 2. 14), he replied: “I would do it, if I had kings as competitors” (Plut. Alex l c.). Whenever Philip had been victorious in a famous battle or had reduced any powerful city and others rejoiced, he was heard to complain among his contemporaries that his father would leave nothing for him or for them to do when they had grown up (Plut. Alex v. 2). Being most sparing of sleep, he had a device for aiding wakefulness. Holding in his grasp a silver ball, he stretched his arm over a bronze basin beside his couch, so that when the coming of sleep relaxed the tension of his muscles, the clang of the ball as it fell might awaken him (Amm xvi. 5. 4). He worshipped the gods magnificently from his early youth and used incense so lavishly that Leonidas, who was austere and frugal, exclaimed: “Make offerings like these when you have subdued the region where such things grow.” Mindful of these words, when he subdued incense-bearing Arabia he sent many talents’ weight of perfumes to Leonidas (Plut. Alex xxv. 4 f) with instructions not to be too stingy thereafter in honouring the gods, since he knew that they repaid so generously gifts cheerfully offered.
The young prince early gave indications of a lofty spirit which would undertake great deeds. When he was less than seven years old, Arlabazus and Menapis, satraps of Ockus, king of the Persians, and Memnon of Rhodes, a great general, were defeated in war with Darius and took refuge with Philip (Diod xvi. 52. 3; Curt vi. 5. 2). Alexander asked these men many questions about Persian affairs, nothing that was childish or common, but on what foundations the royal power was based, what arms they made use of, how many days’ march Susa was distant from Ecbatana, and other queries of the kind (Plut. Alex v. 1). Afterwards, when Ochus had become reconciled with the exiles and had recalled them, they felt such admiration for Alexander that one of them could not keep from exclaiming: “This boy is a great king; ours is a rich prince” (Plut. De Fort. Alex ii. 28).
While Alexander seemed to owe these qualities to the excellence of his nature, he was no less indebted to his education. For his father, knowing well how advantageous association with Epaminondas had been to himself (Diod xvi. 2 ff). and how much more he accomplished by eloquence than by force, had made the greatest effort to have his son trained in the liberal arts. Accordingly he induced Aristotle, by the offer of great rewards, to instruct the boy in the elements of letters (Quint. Inst i. 1. 23). And that learned man did not refuse, knowing as he did how important it was for one who was to rule over many men to be properly taught from the beginning. Then, enjoying various teachers according to the excellence of each in a special art, the young prince not only filed his mind with noble sciences, but by exercises of every kind he trained his body to the service of war and the endurance of toil. After he grew older, he continued to have Aristotle constantly with him until he crossed into Asia. In that space of time he thoroughly learned whatever could be communicated by so great a teacher. He applied himself especially to the study of nature, and later he aided the investigation of Natural History in a truly royal spirit and with a princely expenditure of money. To Aristotle, in order that he might be able to write with greater knowledge of the nature of animals, he ordered all Greece and Asia to be obedient (Plin. N.H. viii. 10 (44)),a as well as all men who gained a livelihood by hunting, fowling, or fishing, or had attained some skill in those pursuits. It is well known that the philosopher received 800 talents for the expenses of such work. Alexander himself gave to that study money and care of which he would never see the fruits. A hundred years after his time stags were caught with golden collars, which he had put upon them in order that future generations might know how much belief could be given to the reports which were made of the long life of those animals (Plin. N.H. viii. 50 (119)). Also in the loftier sciences which are called acroatic, or acroamatic, we have testimony to his knowledge in a letter of his to Aristotle (Gell xx. 5. 8; Plut. Alex. 7. 3 ff.), in which he complains that Aristotle has profaned their majesty by making his instruction generally known. And Aristotle excused himself by saying that those books had been given to the public in such a way that no one would be able to understand them who had not learned beforehand what was contained in them. Also when Alexander asked for his Rhetoric, he expressly forbade Aristotle to allow it to come into the hands of others; for he desired to surpass all men not less in the noble arts than in power.
Not only during Alexander’s rule did Aristotle receive distinguished honour and great gifts, but also while Philip still lived; for when Philip captured Olynthus and rased the cities under its sway, Aristotle was allowed to rebuild his birthplace, Stagira, and was furnished by the king with money for the purpose (Plut. Alex vit. 2). Alexander also venerated his teacher, until finally he became his enemy after the death of Callisthenes (Plut. Alex viii. 2).
Alexander also loved music and gave serious attention to it, until he was asked by his father if he was not ashamed to sing so well, whereupon he began to neglect singing, as an art unbecoming his dignity. Once when his teacher of music asked him to strike a certain string, as the art required, Alexander said: “What difference does it make if I strike this one?”, pointing his finger to another siring. And the teacher replied that it made no difference to one who was going to be a king, but that it did make a difference to one who was going to be a player on the lute (Ael. V.H. Hi. 32). After that he took pleasure in manly singing and particularly favoured Timotheüs (Suidas, s v.), who was famous for that kind of music; for with the mode which they call “Phrygian” he sometimes so aroused Alexander that he at once ran to arms, as if the enemy were near. Alexander studied eloquence under Anaximenes of Lampsacus, and this later brought safety to that city. Alexander had determined to destroy it because it had favoured the Persian power. Seeing Anaximenes coming out beyond the walls, and feeling sure that he had come to appeal for his native city, Alexander called the gods of Greece to witness that he would not do what his teacher should ask. On hearing this the clever philosopher asked him to destroy Lampsacus, and Alexander, bound by the sanctity of his oath, and not less pleased by the cleverness of his former master, pardoned the people of Lampsacus for their faults (Val. Max vii. 3, Ext. 4). He scorned comedians as not treating subjects suited to his purpose and born only to corrupt men’s morals (Plut. Alex iv. 6), and, although they were rated high in all Greece, he cared nothing for boxers, probably 10 because being idle and devoted to food they used their strong bodies rather for the amusements of shows than for the needs of their country.
He so venerated Homer that he was called amator Homeri (Strabo xiii. 1. 27, p. 594; Euslath ad Iliad. B). He always carried with him a copy of the poet’s works, in the recension of Aristotle, called the Iliad of the Casket (Plut. Alex, xxvi. 1), and placed it under his pillow when he slept (Plut. Alex viii. 2). He regarded Achilles as happy, because he had had such a herald of his valour (Cic. Pro Arch. 10. 24). Once when a messenger arrived, showing signs of great joy in his expression, Alexander said; “What are you going to announce to me which is worthy of such happiness, unless perhaps Homer has come to life?” He especially liked the verse in which Agamemnon is praised as a good commander and a strong soldier (Iliad iii. 179).
He was fond of wine, but not to the extent of drunkenness (Plut. Alex, xxiii. 1; Arr vii. 29. 4). When he had leisure, he remained long at table, but rather for social intercourse than for excessive drinking. He scorned sensual pleasures to such an extent that his mother was anxious lest he might be unable to beget offspring. This manner of life he continued for a long time, and showed himself a great and noteworthy king; gradually, however, carried away by his good, fortune, he changed his habits and lost his former self-control.
In his youth he showed his strength of spirit and remarkable dexterity by taming the horse Bucephalas, to the great
admiration of his father and all others who saw it. This horse was so named because it was branded with the figure of a bull, or perhaps because it had a white mark like an ox-head on its own black head (Arr v. 19. 5). It was sold to Philip for sixteen talents (Plut. Alex, vi.), but no one could ride it until Alexander succeeded in so doing. It was afterwards Alexander’s warhorse until it was killed (Arr v. 14. 4), or died of exhaustion (Arr v. 19. 4), in the battle with Porus at the Hydaspes.
Alexander began his military service at the age of sixteen by being left in full charge of Macedonia when Philip was besieging Byzantium (Plut. Alex ix. 1). The Medari, a Thracian people, rebelled, but were overcome by the young prince; he expelled them from their city and gave it to strangers, who called it Alexandropolis. Philip was pleased at his son’s success, but recalled him for fear that he might undertake too much; but he made use of Alexander’s vigorous services in subduing the towns of the Chersonesus. In a mutiny of the Greek mercenaries in Philip’s army Philip was severely wounded and his horse was killed under him. Alexander covered the king with his shield, slew some of his assailants, and put the rest to flight (Curt viii. 1. 24).
Philip was now at the height of his power; he had subdued the Triballi and had under his sway Thrace and the Greek states except Sparta. Aiming at the leadership of all Greece, he realized that the power of the Athenians especially delayed his plans; for although there were some in Athens who favoured his designs, yet the people, who were all-powerful, opposed the growth of the Macedonian influence, especially through the persuasions of Demosthenes. The king was particularly roused against them (Diod xvi. 54. 2) because his hopes at Byzantium has been disappointed mainly through the aid given to that city by the Athenians; for they had not only sent a fleet of 120 ships to help the enemy, but had been the cause of similar conduct on the part of the Chians and the Rhodians. Therefore, while his wound was being cured in the land of the Triballi, he was secretly making every preparation for an unexpected attack on the Athenians, and was retaining his army under pretext that the Illyrian nations, who were naturally savage and unaccustomed to slavery, were trying to throw off the yoke that had been imposed upon them. Alexander was sent against the Illyrians (Curt viii. 1. 25), defeated them, and put them to fight, thus inspiring in others, and himself feeling, such confidence in his fortune and his valour that he seemed capable of undertaking great enterprises without his father’s aid.
Philip, having made all his preparations, thought that the time had come to carry out his plans. Accordingly, he led his army into Greece and summoned all the forces of his allies from the Peloponnesus. For by a decree of the Amphictyons he had been made commander of the Greeks, that he might punish the insolence of the Locrians dwelling in Amphissa; they, disregarding the authority of the Amphictyons, had persisted in occupying the land of Cirrha, which was consecrated to Apollo. Philip at that time had a treaty with the Athenians, but they thought that it would have little force if he saw advantage in violating it. They therefore sent envoys to him, asking that he should stand by the treaty, adding that the Athenians would consider how the differences which had arisen between them could be reconciled. They also sent an embassy to Thebes, to urge the Thebans to undertake with them the defence of all Greece against the common danger; but Philip retained the friendship of the Thebans for Macedonia through his partisans and friends, of whom Timolaüs, Theogiton and Anemoetas had great influence with their people(Demos. De Corona 295). Therefore, thinking that after having defeated the Locrians and their allies he would easily be superior to the Athenians, he quickly led his army into Phocis (Plut. Demos, xviii. 1; Diod xvi. 2. 84) and seizing Elatea, which commanded the frontiers both of the Thebans and the Boeotians, placed a garrison there and fortified it, as if to make it the seat of the war.
The news of this step, brought at night to Athens, filled the city with such great alarm, that when an assembly of the people was held at daybreak and the herald, according to custom, proclaimed that if anyone had helpful counsel to give his country, he should speak, at first no one arose (Plut. Dem l c.). Finally Demosthenes persuaded them at once to make ready their fleet and army, and to send envoys both to the rest of the Greeks and especially to the Thebans. When a decree had been passed to this effect, Chares and Lysicles were made commanders of the forces, and Demosthenes was chosen chief of the embassy to the Thebans. Philip saw clearly how great a war would arise if all these peoples formed a league; for the Athenians were powerful at that time in riches and influence; also the Theban power and reputation was not to be despised, since the memory of the battle of Leuctra (371) was not forgotten, in which they had wrested the leadership of Greece from the Lacedaemonians. Therefore, in order to encourage his allies and to anticipate the plans of the opposite faction, he sent to Thebes two Macedonians, Amyntas and Clearchus, and with them a native of Byzantium named Python (Diod xvi. 85. 3) in whose eloquence he had great confidence. Python made a long and eloquent address, which was answered by Demosthenes (whose speech was based upon his Philippics).
The effect of the address of Demosthenes was so great that you would have supposed that the Thebans had been changed into other men (Plut. Dem xviii. 3); they declared Philip an enemy if he did not as soon as possible withdraw from their territories and those of their allies, drive from the city the men of the Macedonian faction and receive in it the forces of the Athenians. But Philip, rather disturbed than alarmed at the unexpected revolt of the Thebans, did not abandon his design. After two slight battles, in which the Athenians were satisfied with their success, at length both armies encamped near the town of Chaeronea in Boeotia. The Greeks were animated by the glory of their ancestors and their love of liberty; Philip trusted to his excellent troops, which had won so many victories. He also based no little confidence upon himself, because he excelled in the art of generalship (Diod xvi. 85. 6), while the most famous Greek leaders were already dead at that time. The Thebans were commanded by Theagenes, a man of only moderate experience in warfare, and not very strong in resisting the power of money.
The Thebans were not indisposed to consider peace, but the ardour of the Athenians impelled them to stake the fortune of all Greece on the outcome of a single battle. Alexander, too, urged his father not to let such an opportunity of gaining glory slip from his hands, and, having at length prevailed upon him, was first to charge the enemy. The battle (338 B.C.) was fierce, and victory was long doubtful, until the young prince, to whom his father had given the command of one wing with elite troops, with great courage attacked the sacred band of the Thebans (Diod xvi. 86. 3; Plut. Alex ix. 2), consisting of their best soldiers, dislodged them from their positions, and opened the way to victory. For the Athenians, broken by the disaster to their allies and worn out by heat and wounds, could no longer resist the attack of the Macedonians. There fell of the Athenians more than a thousand, and more than 2000 were captured; of their allies, too, many fell in battle or came alive into the hands of the enemy.
Alexander, sent to Athens after the battle, proclaimed that Philip pardoned the Athenians and gave them peace, returned the prisoners without ransom, and allowed the burial of the dead; for, intent upon the Persian war, the king tried to gain the fidelity and devotion of the Greeks by mercy and moderation (Justin ix. 4). Nevertheless he deprived the Athenians of the rule of the sea and the islands. He was more severe to the Thebans (Diod xvi. 87. 3); when they had surrendered their city and he had placed there a Macedonian garrison, he slew all those whom he most hated and suspected, banished others, restored the exiles of his faction, and gave them magistracies and judicial positions. After this victory all Greece except the Arcadians and the Spartans acknowledged his rule. Having called a general assembly of Greece at Corinth, he explained the reason for making war upon the Persians, and the assembly bade him set out to Asia as Commander of the Greeks and give freedom to the world. Then it was decided how many men, how much grain and money, each people should furnish. I find that 200,000 infantry and 15,000 horsemen were promised, not count
ing the Macedonians nor the barbarians subject to the Macedonians (Justin ix. 5. 6f)
Meanwhile these successes abroad were offset by domestic troubles. Olympias was more and more alienating the affections of her husband by her ill-humour and arrogance. Some say that Philip divorced her (Plut. ] Alex ix. 4, Perrin’s note). But I find that without a divorce Philip married Cleopatra (Arr iii. 6. 5 calls her Eurydice); for Alexander was present at the marriage of his future stepmother. At the banquet which accompanied the wedding Attains, uncle of the bride, after heavy drinking, said that the Macedonians ought to pray the gods that from the new marriage Philip might rear a legitimate successor (Plut. Alex ix. 4 ff.). Alexander, enraged by the insult, threw his cup at Attalus’ head, and Attains threw his cup at Alexander. In the tumult which followed Philip drew his sword and would have killed his son, but fell from the combined effects of lameness from his wound, anger, and wine. Whereupon Alexander bade the Macedonians look upon the man who proposed to carry war into Asia, but had fallen in crossing from one couch to another (Plut. Alex l c.). Then, fearing for his mother and himself, he took her to Epirus, of which Olympias’ brother was king, and himself set out to the king of the Illyrians. Afterwards, when a reconciliation had been made through Demaratus of Corinth and they had both returned to Macedonia (Plut. Alex ix. 6), Olympias did not cease to urge her son, who was himself ambitious enough, to make as many friends as possible by favours and by money, and to secure himself against the wrath of his father by alliance with powerful men.
Among Philip’s body-guards was one Pausanias, whom the king had raised to that position to console him for an outrage which he had suffered through Attalus. Pausanias, more mindful of the injury which he had received than of the favour, transferred his hatred from the author of the wrong to the king who had failed to avenge it. That he shared his design with those whom he knew to be hostile to the house of Attalus and to Philip was believed, not without reason, and no one had any doubt on the subject after Olympias placed a golden crown on the murderer’s head, when she found him hanging upon the cross. Before it was fully daylight a great crowd had filled the theatre at Aegae, to witness games that were to surpass those of the preceding day. Pausanias had watched the king as he was about to enter the theatre, and when Philip, having sent ahead the friends who had accompanied him and having dismissed his guards, was going in alone (for amid such goodwill on the part of all he wished to show that he had no need of guards) the assassin unexpectedly leaped upon him and plunged a dagger which he had hidden under his cloak into the king’s heart (Diod xvi. 94. 3).
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 2