VII. The Egyptians, hostile of old to the power of the Persians — for they believed that they had been governed avariciously and arrogantly — had taken courage at the prospect of Alexander’s coming, since they had welcomed even Amyntas although a deserter coming with authority depending on favour.
Therefore a vast multitude of them had assembled at Pelusium, where they thought that Alexander would enter the country. And in fact six days after moving his forces from Gaza he came to that part of Egypt [3] which they now call Alexander’s Camp. From there he ordered the infantry forces to go to Pelusium, and he himself with a light-armed band of elite troops sailed up the river Nile. The Persians did not await his coming, being greatly alarmed also by the revolt [4] of the Egyptians. And already he was not far from Memphis, when Mazaces, the general of Darius who had been left in charge of the city, of his own accord crossed the river, and delivered to Alexander 800 [5] talents and all the royal furniture. From Memphis the king sailed on the same river to the interior of Egypt, and after arranging matters in such a way as to make no change in the native customs of the Egyptians, he decided to visit the oracle of Jupiter Ammon.
[6] The journey which it was necessary to make was hardly endurable even for those who were lightly equipped and few in number; on earth and in the sky there is scarcity of water; it is a flat waste of barren sands. When the burning sun inflames these, intolerable heat results and the fiery soil scorches the soles of [7] the feet, and one has to contend, not only against the high temperature and dryness of the region, but also the extreme tenaciousness of the coarse sand, through which, as it is very deep and gives way beneath the [8] step, the feet toil with difficulty. These troubles the Egyptians in fact exaggerated; but yet a great longing plied spurs to the king’s purpose of visiting Jupiter, whom he, not content with mortal eminence, either believed, or wished men to believe, to be the founder of his race. Therefore, with those whom he had decided to take with him he went down the river to the Mareotic Lake. Thither envoys from Cyrenê brought gifts, and asked for peace and for a visit to their cities. He accepted the gifts and after concluding friendship with them continued to pursue his intended journey.
[10] And indeed on the first and the following day the toil seemed endurable, since the solitudes to which they had come were not yet so desolate and barren, [11] yet the land was already sterile and moribund. But when plains covered with deep sand disclosed themselves, just as if they had entered a vast sea, they [12] looked in vain for land; not a tree, not a trace of cultivated soil met the eye. The water also, which camels had carried in leather bottles, gave out, and there was none to be found in the dry soil and burning sand. Besides this, the sun had made everything fiery-hot, their mouths were dry and parched, when suddenly — whether that was a gift of the gods or mere chance — the sky was overcast with clouds which hid the sun, a great help to those worn out by the heat, even if water were lacking. But indeed, when storms poured out copious rain also, each man received it in his own way; some, beside themselves with thirst, even began to try to catch it in their open mouths. Four days were spent in traversing desert wastes.
And now they were not far from the abode of the oracle, when a great flock of ravens met the army; flying at a moderate speed before the van, they now lighted on the ground when the line advanced more slowly, now raised themselves on their wings, as if acting as guides and showing the way. At length they arrived at the abode consecrated to the god. Incredible to relate, although situated amid desert wastes, it is so covered on all sides by encircling branches that the sun barely penetrates their dense shade, and many founts of sweet water, flowing in all directions, nourish the woods. A wonderful mildness of climate too, very like the warmth of spring, continues through all seasons of the year with like whole someness. The nearest neighbours of the place, to the east, are of the Ethiopian race. Towards the south they face in the direction of those Arabians whose name is the Trogodytes; the land of these extends as far as the Red Sea. But where the slope is towards the west, other Ethiopians dwell, whom they call the Snub-nosed. To the north are the Nasamones, a race of the Syrtes enriched from the spoils of ships; for they beset the shores, and since they know the shoals, seize the vessels which are stranded by the shifting sea. The dwellers in the grove, whom they call Ammonii, live in scattered huts; the middle of the grove they hold as a citadel, surrounded by three walls. The first of these enclosed the ancient palace of their kings, within the next their wives lived with their children and concubines; here also is the oracle of the god; the outermost fortification was the abode of the attendants and the men-at-arms.
There is also another grove of Ammon; in the middle of it is a fountain — they call it the water of the Sun — ; at daybreak its flow is lukewarm, in the middle of the day, which is very hot indeed, the same fount is cold, as the day inclines towards evening it grows warmer, in the middle of the night it boils forth hot, and as the night approaches nearer to dawn, it decreases greatly from its nocturnal heat, until at daybreak it cools off to its normal temperature.
What is worshipped as the god does not have the same form that artificers have commonly given to the deities; its appearance is very like that of a navel fastened in a mass of emeralds and other gems.
When an oracle is sought, the priests carry this in a golden boat with many silver cups hanging from both sides of the boat; matrons and maidens follow, singing in the native manner a kind of rude song, by which they believe Jupiter is propitiated and led to give a trustworthy response.
At the time we are describing, as the king drew near, the eldest of the priests called him son, declaring that his father Jupiter gave him that name. Alexander indeed said that he accepted and acknowledged it, forgetful of his human condition. He then asked whether the rule of the whole world was destined for him by the fates. The prophet, equally disposed to flattery, answered that he would be the ruler of all lands. After this the king went on to inquire whether all the murderers of his father had paid the penalty. The priest said that his father could suffer from no man’s crime, but that for the crime against Philip all had suffered punishment; he added that Alexander would be invincible till he departed to join the gods.” Then, after sacrifice had been offered, gifts were given both to the priests and to the god, and the king’s friends also were allowed to consult Jupiter. They asked nothing more than whether the god authorized them to pay divine honours to their king. The prophets replied that this also would be acceptable to Jupiter.
[29] In the light of a genuine and entirely sane appraisal, these unquestionably vague responses of the oracle would have brought ridicule upon its trustworthiness, but Fortune makes those whom she has forced to have confidence in herself alone more eager as a rule for glory than big enough to have room for it. Accordingly, Alexander not only allowed himself to be called the son of Jupiter, but even ordered it, and thus while he wished to increase the renown of his exploits by such a title, he really [31] spoilt it. And the Macedonians, accustomed, it is true, to the rule of a king, but living in the shadow of a greater freedom than the other peoples, opposed his claim to immortality more stubbornly than was expedient either for themselves or for their [32] king. But instances of this may be reserved each for its appropriate time. Now I shall proceed with the rest of my narrative.
Alexander ab Hammone rediens ad Mareotin paludem haud procul insula Pharo sitam venit. Contemplatus loci naturam primum in ipsa insula statuerat urbem novam condere: [2] inde ut adparuit magnae sedis insulam haud capacem esse, elegit urbi locum, ubi nunc est Alexandrea, appellationem trahens ex nomine auctoris. Conplexus, quidquid soli est inter paludem ac mare, octoginta stadiorum muris ambitum destinat et, qui exaedificandae urbi praeessent, relictis Memphin petit. [3] Cupido haud iniusta quidem, ceterum intempestiva incesserat non interiora modo Aegypti, sed etiam Aethiopiam invisere: Memnonis Tithonique celebrata regia cognoscendae vetustatis avidum trahebat paene extra terminos solis. [4] Sed imminens bellum, cuius multo maior supererat moles, otiosae peregrinationi temp
ora exemerat. Itaque Aegypto praefecit Aeschylum Rhodium et Peucesten Macedonem quattuor milibus militum in praesidium regionis eius datis, claustra Nili fluminis Polemonem tueri iubet: XXX ad hoc triremes datae. [5] Africae deinde, quae Aegypto iuncta est, praepositus Apollonius, vectigalibus eiusdem Africae Aegyptique Cleomenes. Ex finitimis urbibus commigrare Alexandream iussis novam urbem magna multitudine inplevit. [6] Fama est, cum rex orbem futuri muri polenta, ut Macedonum mos est, destinasse!, avium greges advolasse et polenta esse pastas: [p. 70] cumque id omen pro tristi a plerisque esset acceptum, respondisse vates, magnam illam urbem advenarum frequentiam culturam, multisque eam terris alimenta praebituram. [7] Regem, cum secundo amni deflueret, adsequi cupiens Hector, Parmenionis filius, eximio aetatis flore, in paucis Alexandro carus, parvum navigium conscendit pluribus, [8] quam capere posset, inpositis. Itaque mersa navis omnes destituit. Hector diu flumini obluctatus, cum madens vestis et adstricti crepidis pedes natare prohiberent in ripam tamen semianimis evasit et, ut primum fatigatus spiritum laxavit, quem metus et periculum intenderat, nullo adiuvante — quippe in diversum evaserant alii — [9] exanimatus est. Amissi eius desiderio vehementer adflictus est repertumque corpus magnifico extulit funere. Oneravit hunc dolorem nuntius mortis Andromachi, quem praefecerat Syriae: [10] vivum Samaritae cremaverant. Ad cuius interitum vindicandum, quanta maxima celeritate potuit, [11] contendit, advenientique sunt traditi tanti sceleris auctores. Andromacho deinde Menona substituit adfectisque supplicio, qui praetorem interemerant, tyrannos, inter quos Methymnaeorum Aristonicum et Stesilaum, popularibus suis tradidit: quos illi ob iniurias tortos necaverunt. [12] Atheniensium deinde, Rhodiorum et Chiorum legatos audit: Athenienses victoriam gratulabantur et, ut captivi Graecorum suis restituerentur, orabant, Rhodii et Chii de praesidio querebantur. [13] Omnes aequa [p. 71] desiderare visi inpetraverunt. Mytilenaeis quoque ob egregiam in partes fidem et pecuniam, quam in bellum inpenderant, reddidit et magnam regionem finitimam adiecit. [14] Cypriorum quoque regibus, qui et a Dareo defecerant ad ipsum et oppugnanti Tyrum miserant classem, pro merito honos habitus est. [15] Amphoterus deinde, classis praefectus, ad liberandam Cretam missus — namque et Persarum et Spartanorum armis pleraque eius insulae obsidebantur — ante omnia mare a piraticis classibus vindicare iussus: quippe obnoxium praedonibus erat bello utrumque in regem converse. [16] His conpositis Herculi Tyrio ex auro crateram cum XXX pateris dicavit inminensque Dareo ad Euphraten iter pronuntiari iussit.
VIII. Alexander, as he returned from Ammon, came to the Mareotic Lake, situated not far from the island of Pharos. Contemplating the nature of the place, he had decided at first to build a city on the [2] island itself; then, as it was apparent that the island was not large enough for a great settlement, he chose for the city the present site of Alexandria, which derives its name from that of its founder. Embracing all the ground between the Lake and the sea, he planned a circuit of eighty stadia for the walls, and having left men to take charge of building the city, he went to Memphis. A desire that was not really unreasonable, but untimely, had seized him to visit not only the interior of Egypt, but also Ethiopia; eager as he was to become acquainted with ancient remains, the celebrated palace of Memnon and Tithonus was drawing him almost beyond the limits of the sun.
But the imminent war, of which a much greater burden remained, had put an end to the season for leisurely travel. Therefore he put Aeschylus the Rhodian and Peucestes the Macedonian in charge of Egypt, giving them 4000 soldiers for the defence of that region, and ordered Polemon to defend the mouths of the Nile; for this purpose thirty triremes were given. Then Apollonius was put in command of the part of Africa which is adjacent to Egypt, and Cleomenes was made collector of the tributes of that part of Africa and of Egypt. Having ordered inhabitants of the neighbouring cities to move to Alexandria, he filled the new city with a great population. It is reported that when the king had marked out the circuit of the new city with peeled barley, as is the custom of the Macedonians, flocks of birds flew to the spot and ate the barley; and when that was regarded by many as a bad omen, the seers predicted that a great number of new-comers would dwell in that city, and that it would furnish sustenance to many lands.
[7] When the king was floating down the river, Hector, a son of Parmenion, in the fine flower of his youth and one of Alexander’s greatest favourites, desiring to overtake him, embarked upon a small craft, which was loaded with more men than it could carry. So the boat sank with the loss of all on board. Hector struggled for a long time with the river, and although his drenched clothing and the sandals which were tightly fastened to his feet interfered with his swimming, nevertheless made his way half-dead to the bank; but he was tired out, and as he was trying to ease his breathing, which fear and the danger had strained, since no one came to his help — for the others had made their escape to the opposite bank — he died. The king was filled with great grief for the loss of his friend, and when his body was recovered, buried it in a magnificent funeral.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 84