XIII. Then verily the entire vision of the coming peril was before his eyes; horses and men shone with splendid arms, and the concern of the generals, as they rode up and down among their lines, showed that on the side of the enemy everything was being made ready with special care, and many trifling things, such as the noise of the men, the neighing of horses, the brilliance of arms shining here and there, had disturbed a mind already on edge with expectation. Therefore, either because he was really in doubt, or to try his officers, he called a council, inquiring what was best to be done. Parmenion, the most skilled among his generals in the art of war, gave it as his opinion that a surprise was better than an open battle. In the dead of night the foe could be overwhelmed; being of discordant customs and languages, as well as terrified in their sleep by an unforeseen danger, when would they unite in the confusion of an attack by night? But in the daytime the terrible aspect of the Scythians and the Bactriani would for the first time confront the Macedonians; their faces are shaggy and their hair unshorn, to say nothing of the enormous bulk of their huge bodies. Soldiers are affected more by vain and trivial things than by reasonable causes of fear. Then too so great a multitude could surround their smaller numbers, since they were fighting, not in the narrow and inaccessible by-ways of Cilicia, but in an open and broad plain.
Almost all agreed with Parmenion; Polypercon thought that victory undoubtedly depended upon that plan. Alexander, looking solemnly at the latter — for he had lately chided Parmenion more severely than he wished and did not have the heart to upbraid him again — said: “The craft which you recommend to me is that of petty robbers and thieves; for their 9 sole desire is to deceive. I will not suffer my glory always to be impaired by the absence of Darius, or by confined places, or by deceit by night. I am determined to attack openly by daylight; I prefer to regret my fortune rather than be ashamed of my victory. Besides, this consideration too is added; I am well aware that the barbarians keep watch by night and stand under arms, so that it is not really possible to deceive them. Therefore do you prepare for battle.” When they had been thus aroused, he bade them take food and rest.
Darius, inferring that the enemy would do what Parmenion had advised, had ordered that the horses should stand bridled, that a great part of the army should be armed, and that night watch should be kept with unusually vigilant care; therefore his entire camp was aglow with fires. He himself with his generals and his relatives rode about among the divisions as they stood under arms, calling upon the Sun and Mithras, and the sacred and eternal fire, to inspire them with a courage worthy of their ancient glory and the records of their forefathers. And surely, he said, if any tokens of divine aid could be read by mortal minds, the gods were on their side. It was they who had lately struck sudden panic into the minds of the Macedonians, who were still harried and hunted by frenzy and throwing away their arms, and the gods who watch over the Persian empire were about to inflict upon madmen the punishment which they deserved. Nor was their leader himself saner than his men; for after the manner of wild beasts, fixing his gaze only on the booty at which he was aiming, he was rushing upon the destruction behind which the booty lay.
There was like concern among the Macedonians also, and they passed the night in fear, as if that were the time set for the battle. Alexander, never more alarmed, ordered that Aristander should be summoned for vows and prayers. The seer, in white robe, bearing in his hand the sacred branches, with veiled head led the king in prayers as he propitiated Jupiter and Minerva Victoria. Then at last, after a sacrifice had been duly performed, the king returned to his tent, to rest for the remainder of the night. But he could neither go to sleep nor endure repose; now he thought of sending his army from the crest of the mountain against the right wing of the Persians, now of meeting the enemy front to front, sometimes he hesitated whether he should not rather direct his army against the left wing. At last a deeper sleep than usual overcame his body, worn out as it was by anxiety of mind.
And now, at daybreak, the generals had assembled to receive their orders, amazed at the unwonted silence around the king’s tent; for at other times he had been wont to summon them, and sometimes to chide the tardy, now they marvelled that he was not aroused even at the final crisis of affairs, and believed that he was not resting in sleep, but willting away — through fear. Yet none of the body-guard ventured to enter the tent; and already the time was at hand, and the soldiers without the order of the commander could neither arm themselves nor take their places in the ranks. Parmenion, after hesitating for a long time, himself gave the order to take food. And already it was necessary to go forth; then at last Parmenion entered the tent, and after often calling the king often by name, when he could not waken him with his voice, he did so by touching him. “It is broad daylight,” said he, “the enemy is advancing in battle-array, your soldiers, still unarmed, await your command. Where is that vigour of mind of yours? Truly you are wont to wake the very watchmen.”To this Alexander replied: “Do you think that I could have gone to sleep before I had unburdened my mind of the care which was delaying my rest?” And he ordered the signal for battle to be given with the trumpet. And when Parmenion continued to express no less surprise at his having said that he had slept free from care: “It is not at all strange,” said he, “for when Darius was setting fire to the land, destroying villages, and ruining food-supplies, I was beside myself; but now what have I to fear, when he is preparing to contend in battle? By Heaven, he has satisfied my heart’s desire. But the reason for this feeling also shall be given later. Do you go to the forces which each of you commands. I will soon be present and will explain what I wish to be done.” Very rarely, rather at the advice of hi, friends than through fear of encountering danger, was Alexander in the habit of using a cuirass; or that occasion at any rate he put on a protection for his body, and went to his soldiers. Never before had they seen the king so joyful, and from his undaunted aspect they inferred a sure hope of victory.
And the king, after razing the palisade, ordered his forces to go forth, and arranged his line of battle. On the right wing were placed the horsemen whom they call the body-guard; Clitus commanded these, and with them he joined the squadrons of Philotas, and on its flank put the rest of the commanders of cavalry.
Last stood the troop of Meleager, followed by the phalanx. Behind the phalanx were the Silver-shields, under command of Nicanor, son of Parmenion. In reserve were Coenus with his troops, and behind him the Orestae and Lyncestae, after them Polypercon, and next the foreign forces. Of this body the leader Amyntas was not present; Philippus (son of Balacrus) who had lately been received as an ally, commanded them.
Such was the form of the right wing. On the left Cratcrus led the cavalry of the Peloponnesians, and to these were joined the horsemen of the Achaeans, the Locrians, and the Malieis. The rear of these was brought up by the Thessalian cavalry, led by Philippus. The infantry force was protected by the cavalry. This was the front of the left wing. But in order that it might not be surrounded by superior numbers, he had girt it in the rear by a powerful force. He had strengthened the wings also by reserves, placed not straight in front but on the flanks, in order that, if the enemy should try to surround the — line of battle, they should be ready to fight. Here were the Agriani, whom Attalus commanded, and joined with them the Cretan archers. The hindermost ranks he faced towards the rear, so as to fortify the whole battle-line by a circular formation.
Here were the Illyrians, joined with the mercenary soldiers, and there he had also posted the light-armed Thracians. And by his dispositions he made his army so mobile that those who stood in the rear to prevent encirclement could nevertheless, by a turning movement, be brought round to the front. Therefore the front was not better protected than the flanks, nor the flanks than the rear.
When the army was thus arranged, he warned them, in case the enemy should make a great uproar as they sent forth their scythe-bearing chariots, to receive them in silence as they rushed upon them, and open their ranks (he had
no doubt that they would pass through without doing harm, if no one opposed them) but if they sent them forth without noise, they themselves were to terrify them by shouting and with their javelins stab the frightened horses from both sides at once. Those who commanded the wings were ordered to extend them in such a way that they might neither be surrounded by standing too close together, nor yet make the rear ranks so thin as to be ineffective. The baggage with the prisoners, among whom the mother and children of Darius were guarded, he placed not far from the field of battle upon a high hill, leaving a guard of moderate size. The left wing, as at other times, was given in charge to Parmenion, the king himself took his place on the right.
Not yet had they come within spear-range, when one Bion, a deserter, with all possible speed came to Alexander, reporting that Darius had spread iron caltrops planted in the ground over which he believed that his enemy would send forth his cavalry, and that the place had been marked by a clear sign, in order that the device might be avoided by his own men. Alexander, after giving orders that the deserter should be guarded, called together his generals, and explaining what had been told, warned them to avoid the part which had been designated, and to inform the horsemen of the danger.
But when he began to encourage the army, they could not hear him, since the noise made by the two forces deafened them, but in the sight of all riding about among his generals and those who were nearest to him, he addressed them as follows:
interequitans adloquebatur: Emensis tot terras in spem victoriae, de qua dimicandum foret, hoc unum superesse discrimen. Granicum hic amnem Ciliciaeque montes et Syriam Aegyptumque praefereuntibus raptas, [2] ingentia spei gloriaeque incitamenta, referebat. Reprehensos ex fuga Persas pugnaturos, quia fugere non possent. Tertium iam diem metu exangues, armis suis oneratos in eodem vestigio haerere. Nullum desperationis illorum maius indicium esse, quam quod urbes, [3] quod agros suos urerent, quidquid non corrupissent, hostium esse confessi. Nomina modo vana gentium ignotarum ne extimescerent: neque enim ad belli discrimen pertinere, qui ab iis Scythae quive Cadusii appellarentur. Ob id ipsum, quod ignoti essent, ignobiles esse: [4] numquam ignorari viros fortes, at inbelles ex latebris suis erutos nihil praeter nomina adferre. Macedonas virtute adsecutos, ne quis toto orbe locus esset, qui tales viros ignoraret. [5] Intuerentur barbarorum inconditum agmen: alium nihil praeter iaculum habere, alium funda saxa librare, paucis iusta arma esse. Itaque illinc plures stare, hinc plures dimicaturos. [6] Nec postulare se, ut fortiter capesserent proelium, ni ipse ceteris fortitudinis fuisset exemplum: se ante prima signa dimicaturum. Spondere pro se tot cicatrices, totidem corporis decora: [7] scire ipsos unum paene se praedae communis exortem in illis colendis ornandisque usurpare victoriae praemia Haec se fortibus viris dicere. Si qui dissimiles eorum [p. 93] essent, illa fuisse dicturum: pervenisse eos, unde fugere non possent. Tot terrarum spatia emensis, tot amnibus montibusque post tergum obiectis iter in patriam ad penates manu esse faciendum. Sic duces, sic proximi militum instincti sunt. [8] Dareus in laevo cornu erat magno suorum agmine, delectis equitum peditumque, stipatus contempseratque paucitatem hostis vanam aciem esse extentis cornibus ratus. [9] Ceterum, sicut curru eminebat, dextra laevaque ad circumstantia agmina oculos manusque circumferens : ‘Terrarum,’ inquit, ‘quas Oceanus hinc adluit, illinc claudit Hellespontus, paulo ante dominis iam non de gloria, sed de salute et, quod saluti praeponitis, libertate pugnandum est: [10] hic dies imperium, quo nulla amplius vidit aetas, aut constituet aut finiet. Apud Granicum minima virium parte cum hoste certavimus, in Cilicia victos Syria poterat excipere, magna munimenta regni Tigris atque Euphrates erant. [11] Ventum est eo, unde pulsis ne fugae quidem locus est. Omnia tam diutino bello exhausta post tergum sunt: non incolas suos urbes, non cultores habent terrae. Coniuges quoque et liberi sequuntur hanc aciem, parata hostibus praeda, nisi pro carissimis pignoribus corpora opponimus. [12] Quod mearum fuit partium, exercitum, quem paene inmensa planities vix caperet, conparavi: equos, arma distribui, commeatus ne tantae multitudini [p. 94] deessent, providi, locum, in quo acies explicari posset, [13] elegi. Cetera in vestra potestate sunt: audete modo vincere famamque, infirmissimum adversus fortes viros telum, contemnite. Temeritas est, quam adhuc pro virtute timuistis: [14] quae ubi primum impetum effudit, velut quaedam animalia emisso aculeo, torpet. Hi vero campi deprehendere paucitatem, quam Ciliciae montes absconderant. Videtis ordines raros, cornua extenta, mediam aciem vanam exhaustam: nam Ultimi, quos locavit aversos, terga iam praebent. Obteri, mehercule, equorum ungulis possunt, etiam si nihil praeter falcatos currus emisero. [15] Et bello vicerimus, si vicimus proelio. Nam ne illis quidem ad fugam locus est: [16] hinc Euphrates, illinc Tigris prohibet inclusos. Et, quae antea pro illis erant, in contrarium versa sunt. Nostrum mobile et expeditum agmen est, illud praeda grave. Inplicatos ergo spoliis nostris trucidabimus, eademque res et causa erit victoriae et fructus. [17] Quodsi quem e vobis nomen gentis movet, cogitet Macedonum illic arma esse, non corpora. Multum enim sanguinem invicem hausimus, et semper gravior in paucitate iactura est. [18] Nam Alexander, quantuscumque ignavis et timidis videri potest, unum animal est et, si quid mihi creditis, temerarium et vaecors, adhuc nostro pavore quam sua virtute felicius. [19] Nihil autem potest esse diuturnum, cui non subest ratio. Licet felicitas adspirare videatur, tamen ad ultimum temeritati non sufficit. Praeterea breves et mutabiles vices rerum sunt, et fortuna numquam simpliciter indulget. [20] Forsitan ita dii fata ordinaverint, ut Persarum impe- [p. 95] rium, quod secundo cursu per CCXXX anuos ad summum fastigium evexerant, magno motu concuterent magis quam adfligerent admonerentque nos fragilitatis humanae, cuius nimia in prosperis rebus oblivio est. [21] Modo Graecis ultro bellum inferebamus: nunc in sedibus nostris propulsamus inlatum. Iactamur invicem varietate fortunae. Videlicet imperium, quia mutuo adfectamus, una gens non capit. [22] Ceterum, etiam si spes non subesset, necessitas tamen stimulare deberet. Ad extrema perventum est. Matrem meam, duas filias, Ochum in spem huius imperii genitum, principes, illam subolem regiae stirpis, duces vestros reorum instar vinctos habet: nisi quid in vobis spei est, ego maiore mei parte captivus sum. Eripite viscera mea ex vinculis, restituite mihi pignora, pro quibus ipsi mori non recusatis, parentem, liberos: nam coniugem in illo carcere amisi. [23] Credite nunc omnes hos tendere ad vos manus, inplorare patrios deos, opem vestram, misericordiam, fidem exposcere, ut compedibus, ut Servitute, ut precario victu ipsos liberetis. An creditis aequo animo iis servire, quorum reges esse fastidiunt? [24] Video admoveri hostium aciem: sed, quo propius discrimen accedo, hoc minus iis, quae dixi, possum esse contentus. Per ego vos deos patrios aeternumque ignem, qui praefertur altaribus, fulgor em que solis intra fines regni mei orientis, per aeternam memoriam Cyri, qui ademptum Medis Lydisque imperium primus in Persidem intulit, vindicate ab ultimo dedecore nomen gentemque Persarum. [25] Ite alacres et spiritus pleni, ut, quam gloriam accepistis a maioribus vestris, posteris [p. 96] relinquatis. In dextris vestris iam libertatem, opem, spem futuri temporis geritis. Effugit mortem, quisquis contempserit: [26] timidissimum quemque consequitur. Ipse non patrio more solum, sed etiam, ut conspici possim, curru vehor nec recuso, quo minus imitemini me, sive fortitudinis exemplum sive ignaviae fuero.’
XIV. that after having traversed so many lands in the hope of the victory for which they must fight this one contest was left them. He recalled the Granicus River, the mountains of Cilicia, and Syria and Egypt, seized as they passed through, as great incentives to hope and glory. The Persians, recalled from flight, would fight only because they could not run away. It was now the third day that pallid with fear and burdened by their arms they had remained fixed in the same spot. There was no surer sign of their desperation than that they were burning their cities and their fields, thereby having admitted that whatever they had not ruined belonged to the enemy. They must not fear the merely meaningless names of unknown nations; for it had nothing to do with the result of the war who of their number were called Scythians or who Cadusians. For the very reason that they were unknown they were unrenowned; brave men were never unknown, but cowards dug
out from their lurking places brought with them nothing but mere names. The Macedonians owed it to their valour that there was no place in the whole world that was unacquainted with such men.
Let them but look at the heterogeneous army of the barbarians; one had nothing but a javelin, another hurled stones from a sling, few had regular arms. Hence on their side more men stand, on our side more will fight. Nor did he demand that they should enter battle bravely unless he himself should set an example to the rest in valour; that he would fight before the foremost standards. Many scars — as so many ornaments to his body — were a warrant on his behalf; they themselves knew that he, almost alone, had no share in the common booty, but used the rewards of victory in honouring and enriching them. That these words he addressed to brave men; if there were any who were not of that kind, to them he would have said this: that they had come to a place from which they could not flee. That after traversing so many spacious lands, after so many rivers and mountains had been left in their way behind, they must make the journey to their native land and their homes by main force.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 88