The king forbore to rebuke his frightened men, but he himself sprang down from his horse, and on foot began to advance through the snows and over the hard-frozen ice. Ashamed not to follow were at first his friends, then his officers, finally the soldiers. And the king was first to make a way for himself by breaking the ice with a mattock; the rest followed the king’s example. At last, after passing through almost pathless forests, they found sporadic traces of human cultivation, and flocks of sheep wandering here and there; and the inhabitants, who dwelt in isolated huts, since they believed that they were protected by the inaccessible by-paths, as soon as they caught sight of the soldiers, killed those who were not able to accompany them in their flight and made for the remote and snow-clad mountains. Then, through conversation with the prisoners they gradually became less wild, and delivered themselves up to the king. And the surrendered were not severely dealt with.
Then, after devastating the fields of Persia and reducing many villages into his power, he came to the race of the Mardi, a warlike people, differing greatly from the rest of the Persians in their manner of life. They dig caves in the mountains, in which they hide themselves with their wives and children, they feed on the flesh of their flocks and of wild animals. Not even the women have gentler dispositions, as is Nature’s way; they have overhanging bushy hair, their garments do not reach their knees, they bind their brows with a sling; this is both an ornament of their heads and a weapon. But this race also the same onrush of Fortune overcame. And so, on the thirtieth day after he had set out from Persepolis the king returned to the same place. Then he gave presents to his friends and to the rest according to each man’s deserts. Almost everything which he had taken in that place was distributed among them.
Ceterum ingentia animi bona, illam indolem, qua omnes reges antecessit, illam in subeundis periculis [p. 132] constantiam, in rebus moliendis efficiendisque velocitatem, in deditos fidem, in captivos clementiam, in voluptatibus permissis quoque et usitatis temperantiam haud tolerabili vini cupiditate foedavit. [2] Hoste et aemulo regni reparante cummaxime bellum, nuper subactis, quos vicerat, novumque imperium aspernantibus de die inibat convivia, quibus feminae intererant, non quidem quas violari nefas esset, quippe pelices licentius, quam decebat, cum armato vivere adsuetae. [3] Ex his una, Thais, et ipsa temulenta maximam apud omnes Graecos initurum gratiam adfirmat, si regiam Persarum iussisset incendi: expectare hoc eos, quorum urbes barbari delessent. [4] Ebrio scorto de tanta re ferente sententiam unus alter, et ipsi mero onerati, adsentiuntur. [5] Rex quoque avidior vini quam patientior: ‘Quin igitur ulciscimur Graeciam et urbi faces subdimus?’ Omnes incaluerant mero: itaque surgunt temulenti ad incendendam urbem, cui armati pepercerant. Primus rex ignem regiae iniecit, tum convivae et ministri pelicesque. [6] Multa cedro aedificata erat regia, quae celeriter igne concepto late fudit incendium. Quod ubi exercitus, qui haud procul urbe tendebat, conspexit, fortuitum ratus ad opem ferendam concurrit. [7] Sed ut ad vestibulum regiae ventum est, vident regem ipsum adhuc aggerentem faces. Omissa igitur, quam portaverant, aqua ipsi aridam materiem in incendium iacere coeperunt. [8] Hunc exitum habuit regia totius Orientis, unde tot gentes antea iura petebant, patria tot regum, unicus quondam Graeciae terror, molita mille navium [p. 133] classem et exercitus, quibus Europa inundata est, contabulato mari molibus perfossisque montibus, in quorum specus fretum inmissum est. [9] Ac ne tam longa quidem aetate, quae excidium eius secuta est, resurrexit. Alias urbes vastavere Macedonum reges, quas nunc habent Parthi: huius vestigium non inveniretur, nisi Araxes amnis ostenderet. Haud procul moenibus fluxerat: inde urbem fuisse XX stadiis distantem credunt magis quam sciunt accolae. [10] Pudebat Macedones tam praeclaram urbem a comissabundo rege deletam esse: itaque res in serium versa est, et imperaverunt sibi, ut crederent illo potissimum modo fuisse delendam. [11] Ipsum, ut primum gravato ebrietate mentem quies reddidit, paenituisse constat et dixisse. maiores poenas Graecis Persas idaturos fuisse, si ipsum in solio regiaque Xerxis conspicere coacti essent. [12] Postero die Lycio, itineris, quo Persidem intraverat, duci, XXX talenta dono dedit. Hinc in regionem Mediae transiit: ubi supplementum novorum e Cilicia militum occurrit. Peditum erant V milia, equites м: utrisque Platon Atheniensis praeerat. His copiis auctus Dareum persequi statuit.
VII. But Alexander’s great mental endowments, that noble disposition, in which he surpassed all kings, that intrepidity in encountering dangers, his promptness in forming and carrying out plans, his good faith towards those who submitted to him, merciful treatment of his prisoners, temperance even in lawful and usual pleasures, were sullied by an excessive love of wine. At the very time when his enemy and his rival for a throne was preparing to renew the war, when those whom he had conquered were but lately subdued and were hostile to the new rule, he took part in prolonged banquets at which women were present, not indeed those whom it would be a crime to violate, but, to be sure, harlots who were accustomed to live with armed men with more licence than was fitting.
One of these, Thais by name, herself also drunken, declared that the king would win most favour among all the Greeks, if he should order the palace of the Persians to be set on fire; that this was expected by those whose cities the barbarians had destroyed.
When a drunken strumpet had given her opinion on a matter of such moment, one or two, themselves also loaded with wine, agreed. The king too, more greedy for wine than able to carry it, cried: “Why do we not, then, avenge Greece and apply torches to the city?”
All had become heated with wine, and so they arose when drunk to fire the city which they had spared when armed. The king was the first to throw a firebrand upon the palace, then the guests and the servants and courtesans. The palace had been built largely of cedar, which quickly took fire and spread the conflagration widely. When the army, which was encamped not far from the city, saw the fire, thinking it accidental, they rushed to bear aid. But when they came to the vestibule of the palace, they saw the king himself still piling on firebrands. Therefore, they left the water which they had brought, and they too began to throw dry wood upon the burning building.
Such was the end of the capital of the entire Orient, from which so many nations previously sought jurisdiction, the birthplace of so many kings, once the special terror of Greece, a city that built a fleet of a thousand ships, and armies by which Europe was flooded, bridged the sea with a causeway of boards formed by massive hulks of ships, tunnelled mountains, and let the sea into the cavity thus — made. And not even in the long age which followed its destruction did it rise again. The Macedonian kings laid waste other cities, which the Parthians now possess; of this city not a trace would be found, did not the Araxes River show where it stood. That river had flowed not far from its walls; the neighbouring peoples believe, but do not really know, that the city was twenty stadia distant from it.
The Macedonians were ashamed that so renowned a city had been destroyed by their king in a drunken revel; therefore the act was taken as earnest, and they forced themselves to believe that it was right that it should be wiped out in exactly that manner.
It is certain that Alexander himself, as soon as sleep had restored his senses after he had been overcome by drunkenness, regretted what he had done and said that the Greeks would have been more severely avenged upon the Persians, if these had been forced to see Alexander on the throne and in the palace of Xerxes. On the following day he gave the Lycian guide of the route by which he had entered Persia a gift of 30 talents.
From there he crossed into the district of Media, where a reinforcement of fresh soldiers from Cilicia met him. They consisted of 5000 foot and 1000 horse; both were commanded by Platon, an Athenian. Strengthened by these forces, he resolved to pursue Darius.
Ille iam Ecbatana pervenerat. Caput Mediae urbs haec: nunc tenent Parthi, eaque aestiva agentibus sedes est. Adire deinde Bactra decreverat, sed veritus, ne celeritate Alexandri occuparetur, consilium iterque mutavit. [2] Aberat ab eo Alexander stadia MD, sed iam nullum intervallum adversus velocitatem eius satis longum videbatur: itaqu
e proelio magis quam fugae [p. 134] se praeparabat. [3] XXX milia peditum sequebantur, in quibus Graecorum erant mi milia fide vetere erga re gem ad ultimum invicta. [4] Funditorum quoque et sagittariorum manus IIII milia expleverat: praeter hos III milia et CCC equites erant, [5] maxime Bactrianorum. Bessus praeerat, Bactrianae regionis praefectus. Cum hoc agmine paulum declinavit via militari iussis praecedere lixis inpedimentorumque custodibus. [6] Consilio deinde advocato: ‘Si cum ignavis,’ inquit, ‘et pluris qualemcumque vitam quam honestam mortem aestimantibus fortuna me iunxisset, tacerem potius quam frustra verba consumerem. [7] Sed maiore, quam vellem, documento et virtutem vestram et fidem expertus magis etiam coniti debeo, ut dignus talibus amicis sim, quam dubitare, an vestri similes adhuc sitis. [8] Ex tot milibus, quae sub imperio fuerunt meo, bis me victum, bis fugientem persecuti estis. [9] Fides vestra et constantia, ut regem me esse credam, facit. Proditores et transfugae in urbibus meis regnant, non, hercule, quia tanto honore digni habentur, sed ut praemiis eorum vestri sollicitentur animi. Meam fortunam tamen quam victoris maluistis sequi, dignissimi, quibus, si ego non possim, dii pro me gratiam referant. [10] Et, mehercule, referent. Nulla erit tam surda posteritas, nulla tam ingrata fama, quae non in caelum vos debitis laudibus ferat. Itaque etiam si consilium fugae, a qua multum abhorret animus, agitassem, vestra tamen virtute fretus obviam issem hosti. [11] Quo usque enim in regno exulabo et per fines imperii mei fugiam externum et [p. 135] advenam regem, cum liceat experto belli fortunam aut reparare, [12] quae amisi, aut honesta morte defungi? Nisi forte satius est expectare victoris arbitrium et Mazaei et Mithrenis exemplo precarium accipere regnum nationis unius, ut iam malit ille gloriae suae quam irae obsequi. [13] Nec di siverint, ut hoc decus mei capitis aut demere mihi quisquam audeat aut condonare, nec imperium vivus amittam, idemque erit regni mei, qui spiritus finis. [14] Vobis si hic animus, si haec lex, nulli non parta libertas est. Nemo e vobis fastidium Macedonum, nemo vultum superbum ferre cogetur: sua cuique dextera aut ultionem tot malorum pariet aut finem. [15] Equidem, quam versabilis fortuna sit, documentum ipse sum nec inmerito mitiores vices eius expecto. Sed si iusta ac pia bella di aversantur, fortibus tamen viris licebit honeste mori. [16] Per ego vos decora maiorum, qui totius Orientis regna cum memorabili laude tenuerunt, per illos viros, quibus stipendium Macedonia quondam tulit, per tot navium classes in Graeciam missas, per tot tropaea regum oro et obtestor, ut nobilitate vestra gentisque dignos spiritus capiatis, [17] ut eadem constantia animorum, qua praeterita tolerastis, experiamini, quidquid deinde fors tulerit: me certe in perpetuum aut victoria egregia nobilitabit aut ruina.’
VIII. Darius had already reached Ecbatana. This city was the capital of Media; the Parthians now possess it, and it is their abode for passing the summers. From there he had determined to go to Bactra, but fearing lest he should be overtaken by Alexander’s rapidity, he changed his plan and his route. Alexander was distant from him 1500 stadia, but already no interval seemed great enough in the face of the Macedonian’s swiftness; consequently Darius was preparing himself for battle rather than for flight. He was followed by 30,000 infantry, among whom were 4000 Greeks, whose long fidelity to the king remained invincible to the end. Also he had mustered bands of slingers and archers to the number of 4000; besides these there were 3300 horsemen, mostly Bactriani. Bessus, satrap of the district of Bactra, commanded them. With this force he turned aside a little from the military road, having ordered the camp-followers and the guards of the baggage to precede him.
Then, having called a council, he said: “If Fortune had joined me with cowards, and with those who regard life on any terms preferable to a noble death, I would keep silent rather than waste words to no purpose. But having made trial of your valour and loyalty by a greater test than I could have wished, I ought to strive even more to be worthy of such friends, rather than to doubt whether you are still like yourselves. Out of so many thousands who were under my command you have followed me, although I was twice defeated and twice put to flight. Your fidelity and constancy make me believe that I am a king. Traitors and deserters rule in my cities, not, by Heaven! because they are deemed worthy of such honour, but that your minds may be tempted by their rewards. In spite of this, you have preferred to follow my fortune rather than the victor’s, proving yourselves most worthy of being requited by the gods in my behalf, if it should not be in my own power.
And, by Heaven! they will recompense you. No future generation will be so deaf, no Fame so ungrateful, as not to extol you to the skies with meed of praise.
“Therefore, even if I had considered resorting to flight, from which my mind utterly recoils, yet, relying upon your valour I should have gone to meet the foe. How long, pray, shall I be an exile in my realm, and through the bounds of my empire flee before a foreign and alien king, when it is allowed me to the traitors and deserters might tempt some of the adherents of Darius to follow their example. by trying the fortune of war either to regain what I have lost or to meet an honourable death? Unless haply it is better to await a victor’s will and, like Mazaeus or Mithrenes, to accept on sufferance the rule of a single province, supposing that Alexander may now prefer to gratify his vanity rather than his anger. But may the gods forbid that anyone should dare to take from me this adornment of my head, or to bestow it on me, or that I should lose my empire while I still live, but the end of my rule shall be the same as the end of my breath.
“If you have this spirit and this principle, there is no one of you for whom freedom has not been won. No one of your number will be compelled to endure the disdain of the Macedonians, none their haughty looks; the right hand of each of you will either gain vengeance for so many sufferings, or end them. I myself am an example of Fortune’s mutability, and with good reason I look for milder changes on her part. But if the gods do not favour just and righteous wars, at any rate brave men will be allowed to die — with honour. By the honour of your forefathers, who held the rule of the entire Orient with noteworthy glory, by those men to whom Macedonia formerly paid tribute, by those many fleets of ships sent against Greece, by those many trophies of your kings, I beg and implore you to assume the courage worthy of your fame and that of your nation, in order that with the same resolute spirits with which you endured the evils of the past you may meet whatever Fortune may hereafter allot; on me at any rate either a glorious victory or my overthrow will confer eternal fame.”
Haec dicente Dareo praesentis periculi species omnium simul corda animosque horrore perstrinxerat, nec [p. 136] aut consilium suppetebat aut vox, cum Artabazus, vetustissimus amicorum, quem hospitem fuisse Philippi supra diximus: ‘Nos vero,’ inquit, ‘pretiosissimam vestem induti armisque, quanto maximo cultu possumus, adornati regem in aciem sequemur, ea quidem mente, ut victoriam speremus, mortem non recusemus.’ [2] Adsensu excepere ceteri hanc vocem, sed Nabarzanes, qui in eodem consilio erat, cum Besso inauditi antea facinoris societate inita regem suum per milites, quibus ambo praeerant, conprehendere et vincire decreverant, ea mente, ut, si Alexander ipsos insecutus foret, tradito rege vivo inirent gratiam victoris, magni profecto cepisse Dareum aestimaturi, sin autem eum effugere potuissent, interfecto Dareo regnum ipsi occuparent bellumque renovarent. [3] Hoc parricidium cum diu volutassent, Nabarzanes aditum nefariae spei praeparans: ‘Scio me,’ inquit, ‘sententiam esse dicturum prima specie haudquaquam auribus tuis gratam: sed medici quoque graviores morbos asperis remediis curant, [4] et gubernator, ubi naufragium timet, iactura, quidquid servari potest, redimit. Ego tamen, non ut damnum quidem facias, suadeo, sed ut te аc regnum tuum salubri ratione conserves. Dis adversis bellum inimus, et pertinax fortuna Persas urgere non desinit: novis initiis et ominibus opus est. Auspicium et im- [p. 137] perium interim alii trade, qui tam diu rex appelletur, donec Asia decedat hostis, victor deinde regnum tibi reddat. [5] Hoc autem brevi futurum ratio promittit: Bаctra intacta sunt, Indi et Sacae in tua potestate, tot populi, tot exercitus, tot equitum peditumque milia ad res novandas vires paratas habent, ut maior belli moles supersit quam exhausta sit. [6] Quid ruimus beluarum rit
u in perniciem non necessariam? Fortium virorum est magis mortem contemnere quam odisse vitam: [7] saepe taedio laboris ad vilitatem sui conpelluntur ignavi. At nihil virtus inexpertum omittit. Utique ultimum omnium mors est, ad quam non pigre ire satis est. [8] Proinde si Bactra, quod tutissimum receptaculum est, petimus, praefectum regionis eius, Bessum, regem temporis gratia constituamus : rebus conpositis iusto regi tibi fiducianwm restituet imperium.’ [9] Haud mirum est Dareum non temperasse animo, quamquam eum, impiae voci quantum nefas subesset, latebat. Itaque: ‘Pessimum,’ inquit, ‘mancipium, repperisti exoptatum tibi tempus, quo parricidium aperires?’ strictoque acinace interfecturus eum videbatur, [10] ni propere Bessus Bactrianique, quasi deprecarentur, tristium specie, [11] ceterum, si perseveraret, vincturi circumstetissent. Nabarzanes interim elapsus, mox et Bessus est secutus: copias, quibus praeerant, a cetero exercitu secedere iubent [p. 138] secretum inituri consilium. [12] Artabazus convenientem praesenti fortunae sententiam orsus mitigare Dareum temporum identidem admonens coepit: ferret aequo animo qualiumcumque, suorum tamen vel stultitiam vel errorem. Instare iam ei Alexandrum, gravem, etiam si omnes praesto essent: quid futurum, si persecuti fugam ipsius alienentur? [13] Aegre paruit Artabazo et, quamquam movere castra statuerat, turbatis tamen omnium animis eodem in loco substitit. Sed attonitus maestitia simul et desperatione tabernaculo se inclusit. [14] Ergo in castris, quae nullius regebantur imperio, varii animorum motus erant, nec in commune ut ante consulebatur. [15] Dux Graecorum militum, Patron, arma capere suos iubet paratosque esse ad exequendum imperium Persae secesserant: [16] Bessus cum Bactrianis erat temptabatque Persas abducere, Bactra et intactae regionis opulenta simulque, quae manentibus instarent pericula, ostentans. Persarum omnium eadem fere fuit vox, nefas esse deseri regem. [17] Inter haec Artabazus omnibus imperatoriis fungebatur officiis: ille Persarum tabernacula circumire, hortari, monere nunc singulos, nunc universos non ante destitit, quam satis constaret imperata facturos. Idem aegre a Dareo inpetravit, ut cibum caperet animumque rebus adverteret.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 95