Meanwhile the beasts which drew the cart in which Darius was, since no one guided them, had left the military road and after straying for four stadia had stopped in a valley, worn out by the heat and at the same time by their wounds. Not far off there was a spring; to this, pointed out by those who knew the country, Polystratus, a Macedonian, worn out by thirst, came and, while he was drinking water out of his helmet, he caught sight of the javelins planted in [25] the bodies of the dying beasts. And as he wondered that they had been stabbed, rather than carried off, he heard the groan of a man near death. Therefore, as is the way of human nature, being desirous of seeing what was hidden in that cart, he drew aside the hides with which it had been covered and found Darius, run through by many wounds. For his regal attire and ike golden fetters with which he had been bound by the traitors left no room for doubt. Darius, who was not unacquainted with the Greek language, gave thanks to the gods, who after so many misfortunes had yet vouchsafed him this much solace, that he should not pour out his last breath in complete solitude.
Therefore,” said he, “whoever of mortals you are, by the common lot of mankind, from which you are reminded by the sight before your eyes that not even the greatest kings are exempt, I beg and beseech you to take this message to Alexander; that none of those misfortunes, by far the most grievous, which I have suffered, not even this outcome of incredible disaster, has fallen upon me so much to my regret as this, that after your great services to me and mine I was forced to live in enmity with a most merciful victor, and now to die without thanking him. But — if with the gods the last wishes of the wretched have any power, and if any divinity listens to prayers poured out with the very breath of life — may Alexander, safe and unharmed, and raised far above the lot of my fortune and the envy of the gods, on the throne of Cyrus complete a glorious life, and mindful of his own virtue, may he allow my mother and my children to have that place in his regard which they have deserved because of their loyalty and their respect. But may a speedy death overtake the murderers, which Alexander will inflict upon them, if not from pity for an unhappy enemy, at least from hatred of their crimes, and for fear that, if these go unpunished, they may break out to the destruction also of other kings and even to his own.”
After these words, being tormented by thirst and being refreshed with water brought him by Polystratus, Darius said: “So, then, this final calamity was fated to be added also to such great misfortunes, that I cannot requite one who has well deserved it; but Alexander will requite you, the gods Alexander.” Then he stretched out his right hand and ordered it to be transferred to Alexander as a pledge of the king’s faith, and grasping the hand of Polystratus he gave up the ghost. Whether Alexander arrived while Darius was still breathing is uncertain; this much is sure, that on learning of the wretched end of a most powerful king, he shed many tears, and at once taking off his cloak, he covered the body, and ordered it to be taken with great honour to his family, in order to be embalmed after the fashion of the Persian kings, and placed among the tombs of his predecessors. The treachery of the men at whose hands Darius suffered a most cruel death in return for the greatest favours, although in its own nature horrifying and execrable, was marked with greater infamy for future generations by the wonderful faithfulness of a dog, which alone was with Darius when he was deserted by all his friends, and fawned upon him when he was dying as it had when he was alive.
Such was the end of life allotted to that king whom shortly before men thought to be insulted unless they addressed him as king of kings and kinsman of the gods; and once more it was proved by a striking example, that no one is more exposed to Fortune’s changes than one who, having been honoured by very many of her favours, has bowed his neck wholly under her yoke.
BOOK VI.
Dum1 haec in Asia geruntur, ne in Graecia quidem Macedoniaque tranquillae res fuere. Regnabat apud Lacedaemonios Agis, filius Archidami, qui Tarentinis opem fer ens occiderat eodem die, quo Philippus Athenienses ad Chaeroneam vicit: is Alexandri virtutis aemulus cives suos stimulabat, ne Graeciam Servitute Macedonum diutius premi paterentur: nisi in tempore providerent, idem iugum ad ipsos transiturum. Adnitendum igitur, dum aliquae Persis ad resistendum vires essent: illis oppressis adversus inmanem potentiam frustra avitae libertatis memores futuros. Sic instinctis animis occasionem belli movendi captabant. Prospero igitur eventu Memnonis invitati consilia cum eo miscere adgressi sunt et, postquam ille rerum laetarum initia intempestiva morte destituit, nihilo remissius agebant. Sed ad Pharnabazum et Autophradaten profectus Agis triginta argenti talento decemque triremes inpetravit, quas Agesilao fratri misit, ut in Cretam navigaret, cuius insulae cultores inter Lacedaemonios et Maccdonas diversis studiis distrahebantur. Legati quoque ad Dareum missi sunt, qui ad bellum ampliorem vim pecuniae pluresque naves peterent. Atque haec eorum consilia clades ad Issum — nam ea intervenerat — adeo non interpellavit, ut etiam adiuvaret. Quippe fugientem insecutus Alexander in loca in dies longinquiora rapiebatur, et ex ipso proelio mercennariorum ingens multitude in Graeciam fuga se receperat: quorum octo milia pecunia conduxit Agis eorumque opera plerasque Cretensium urbes recepit. Cum deinceps Menon in Thraciam ah Alexandro missus barbaros ad defectionem inpulisset atque Antipater ad eam conprimendam exercitum ex Macedonia in Thraciam duxisset, opportunitate temporis strenue usi Lacedaemonii totam Peloponnesum paucis urbibus exceptis ad suas partes traxerunt confectoque exercitu viginti milium peditum cum duobus milibus equitum Agidi summam imperii detulerunt. Antipater ea re conperta bellum in Thracia, quibus potest condicionibus, conponit raptimque in Graeciam regressus ab amicis sociisque civitatibus auxilia cogit. Quibus convenientibus ad quadraginta milia militum recensuit. Advenerat etiam ex Peloponneso valida manus: sed quia dubiam eorum fidem cognoverat, dissimulata suspicione gratias egit, quod ad defendendam a Lacedaemoniis Alexandri dignitatem adfuissent: scripturum se id regi gratiam in tempore relaturo. In praesens nihil opus esse maioribus copiis: itaque domos redirent foederis necessitate expleta. Nuntios deinde ad Alexandrum mittit de motu Graeciae certiorem facturus. Atque illi regem apud Bactra demum consecuti sunt, cum interim Antipatri victoria et nece Agidis in Arcadia res transacta esset. Rex iam pridem tumultu Lacedaemoniorum cognito, quantum tot terrarum spatiis discretus potuit, providerat: Amphoterum cum Cypriis et Phoeniciis navibus in Peloponnesum navigare, Meneta tria milia talentum ad mare deferre iusserat, ut ex propinquo pecuniam Antipatro subministraret, quanta illi opus esse cognovisset. Probe enim perspexerat, quanti ad omnia [p. 152] momenti motus istius inclinatio futura esset: quamquam postea accepto victoriae nuntio cum suis rebus illam dimicationem conparans murium eam pugnam fuisse cavillatus est. Ceterum principia eius belli haud inprospera Lacedaemoniis fuere. Iuxta Corrhagum, Macedoniae castellum, cum Antipatri militibus congressi victores extiterant: et rei bene gestae fama etiam, qui dubiis mentibus fortunam spectaverant, societati eorum se adiunxerunt. Una ex Eleis Achaeisque urbibus Pellene foedus aspernabatur et in Arcadia Megalopolis, fida Macedonibus propter Philippi memoriam, a quo beneficiis adfecta fuerat. Sed haec circumsessa non multum a deditione aberat, nisi tandem Antipater subvenisset. Is postquam castra castris contulit seque numero militum alioque apparatu superiorem conspexit, quam primum de summa rerum proelio contendere statuit: neque Lacedaemonii detrectavere certamen. Ita commissa est pugna, quae rem Spartanam maiorem in modum adflixit. Cum enim angustiis locorum, in quibus pugnabatur, confisi, ubi hosti nullum multitudinis usum futurum credebant, fortissime congressi essent, ac Macedones inpigerrime resisterent, multum sanguinis fusum est. Sed postquam Antipater integram subinde manum laborantibus suis subsidio misit, inpulsa Lacedaemoniorum acies gradum paulisper retulit. Quod conspicatus Agis cum cohorte
regia, quae ex fortissimis constabat, se in medium pugnae discrimen inmisit obtruncatisque, qui promptius resistebant, magnam partem hostium propulit. [2] Coeperant fugere victores et, donec avidius sequentes in planum deduxere, inulti cadebant: sed ut primum locus, in quo stare possent, fuit, aequis viribus dimicatum est. [3] Inter omnes tamen Lacedaemonios rex eminebat, n
on armorum modo et corporis specie, sed etiam magnitudine animi, quo uno vinci non potuit. [4] Undique [p. 153] nunc comminus, nunc eminus petebatur diuque arma circumferens alia tela clipeo excipiebat, corpore alia vitabat, donec hasta femina perfossa plurimo sanguine effuso destituere pugnantem. [5] Ergo clipeo suo exceptum armigeri raptim in castra referebant iactationem vulnerum haud facile tolerantem. [6] Non tamen omisere Lacedaemonii pugnam et, ut primum sibi quam hosti aequiorum locum capere potuerunt, densatis ordinibus effuse fluentem in se aciem excepere. [7] Non aliud discrimen vehementius fuisse memoriae proditum est. Duarum nobilissimarum bello gentium exercitus pari Marte pugnabant: [8] Lacedaemonii vetera, Macedones praesentia decora intuebantur, illi pro libertate, hi pro dominatione pugnabant, Lacedaemoniis dux, Macedonibus locus deerat. [9] Diei quoque unius tam multiplex casus modo spem, modo metum utriusque partis augebat velut de industria inter fortissimos viros certamen aequante fortuna. [10] Ceterum angustiae loci, in quo haeserat pugna, non patiebantur totis ingredi viribus: spectabant ergo plures, quam inierant proelium, et, qui extra teli iactum erant, clamore invicem suos accendebant. [11] Tandem Laconum acies languescere lubrica arma sudore vix sustinens, pedem deinde referre coepit. [12] Ut urgente hoste apertius fugere, insequebatur dissipatos victor et emensus cursu omne spatium, quod acies Laconum obtinuerat, ipsum Agin persequebatur. [13] Ille ut fugam suorum et proximos hostium conspexit, deponi se iussit: expertusque membra, an impetum [p. 154] animi sequi possent, [14] postquam deficere sensit, poplitibus semet excepit galeaque strenue sumpta clipeo protegens corpus hastam dextera vibrabat ultro provocans hostem, [15] si quis iacenti spolia demere auderet. Nec quisquam fuit, qui sustineret comminus congredi: procul missilibus adpetebatur, ea ipsa in hostem retorquens, donec lancea nudo pectori infixa est. Qua ex vulnere evolsa inclinatum ac deficiens caput clipeo paulisper excepit, dein linquente spiritu pariter ac sanguine moribundus in arma procubuit. [16] Cecidere Lacedaemoniorum v milia et CCC, ex Macedonibus haud amplius м: ceterum vix quisquam nisi saucius revertit in castra. Haec victoria non Spartam modo sociosque eius, sed etiam omnis, qui fortunam belli expectaverant, [17] fregit. Nec fallebat Antipatrum dissentire ab animis gratulantium vultus: sed bellum finire cupienti opus erat decipi, et, quamquam fortuna rerum placebat, invidiam tamen, quia maiores res erant quam, quas praefecti modus caperet, metuebat. [18] Quippe Alexander hostes vinci voluerat, Antipatrum vicisse ne tacitus quidem indignabatur suae demptum gloriae existimans, quidquid cessisset alienae. [19] Itaque Antipater, qui probe nosset spiritus eius, non est ausus ipse agere arbitria victoriae, sed concilium Graecorum, quid fieri placeret, [20] consuluit. A quo Lacedaemonii nihil aliud quam, ut oratores mittere ad regem liceret, Tegeatae veniam [p. 155] defectionis praeter auctores inpetraverunt, Megalopolitanis, quorum urbs obsessa erat a defectionis sociis, Achaei et Elei centum XX talenta dare iussi sunt. [21] Hic fuit exitus belli, quod repente ortum prius tamen finitum est, quam Dareum Alexander apud Arbela superaret.
While this was happening in Asia, not in Greece either nor in Macedonia was there complete quiet. There was ruling among the Lacedaemonians Agis, son of Archidamus, who, while bearing aid to the Tarentines, was slain on the same dap that Philip defeated the Athenians at Choeronea. Agis, a rival of Alexander in valour, was spurring on his citizens not to allow Greece to be longer oppressed by slavery to the Macedonians; unless they took precaution betimes, the same yoke would pass to them. They ought therefore to bestir themselves while the Persians still had some strength for resistance; when they were crushed, the Lacedaemonians, faced by an immense power, would in vain be mindful of their ancestral freedom. When their minds had been thus aroused, the Lacedaemonians sought for an opportunity of beginning war. Accordingly, encouraged by Memnon’s successful result, they began to join in his plans, and after he was taken off in the beginning of a prosperous career by an untimely death, they did not act with any less vigour.
But Agis went to Pharnabazus and Autophradates, and obtained thirty talents of silver and ten triremes, which he tent to his brother Agesilaus, in order that he might sail to Crete, the inhabitants of which island were divided by confiding interests between the Lacedaemonians and the Macedonians. Envoys were sent also to Darius, to ask for a greater sum of money for carrying on the war and more ships. And these plans of theirs the defeat at Issus — for that had meanwhile happened — was so far from interrupting, that it even helped them. For Alexander, in his close pursuit of the fleeing king, was being hurried to more distant places, and from the battle itself a great number of mercenaries had fled to Greece; and of these Agis with his Persian money hired 8000, and by their help recovered numerous cities of the Cretans.
Next, after that, when Menon, sent by Alexander into Thrace, had stirred up the barbarians to revolt, and Antipater, to suppress it, had led an army from Macedonia into Thrace, promptly taking advantage of the opportune time, the Lacedaemonians brought over to their side the entire Peloponnesus with the exception of a few cities, and mustering an army of 20,000 infantry and 2000 cavalry, conferred the chief command upon Agis. Antipater, on learning of this action, settled the war in Thrace on the best terms he could make, and hastily returning to Greece, got together what troops he could from the friendly and allied cities. When these had assembled he counted a force of 40,000 soldiers. A strong band also had come from the Peloponnesus; but since he knew that their loyalty was doubtful, concealing his suspicion, he thanked them for having come to defend the prestige of Alexander against the Lacedaemonians; he said that he would write this to the king, who in due time would requite them. That at present there was no need of greater forces; therefore they might return to their homes, having fulfilled the obligation of their treaty. Then he sent messengers to Alexander, to inform him of the uprising in Greece.
These at last overtook Alexander at Bactra, when in the meantime the revolt had been ended by Antipater’s victory in Arcadia and the death of Agis.
The king, having learned long beforehand of the rebellion of the Lacedaemonians, had provided for it so far as he could when separated by the extent of so many lands; he had ordered Amphoterus with Cyprian and Phoenician ships to sail to the Peloponnesus, Menes to take 3000 talents to the sea-coast, in order that from near at hand he might supply Antipater with as much money as he should learn that he needed. For he had rightly perceived how greatly that move would tip the scales of Fortune’s balance for all his plans; although later, after having received news of Antipater’s victory, he jestingly remarked, comparing that battle with his own exploits, that it had been a fight with mice. However, the first stages of that war had not been without success for the Lacedaemonians. Near Corrhagum, a fortress of Macedonia, having encountered Antipater’s soldiers, they had come off victors; and because of the fame of that success those also who had looked upon the fortune of the rebels with doubting minds had allied themselves with them. Pellenê alone of the cities of Elis and Achaia rejected the league, and in Arcadia Megalopolis, being faithful to the Macedonians because of the memory of Philip, from whom they had received favours. But that city was besieged and was on the point of surrender, had not Antipater at last come to their aid. He, after comparing camp with camp and seeing that he was superior in number of men and in other equipment, decided to fight a decisive battle as soon as possible; and the Lacedaemonians did not decline the contest.
Accordingly, a battle took place, which greatly damaged the Spartan cause. For when, trusting to the narrowness of the plain in which they fought, where they believed that the enemy would have no advantage from their superior numbers, they attacked most valiantly and the Macedonians resisted most vigorously, there was great bloodshed. But after Antipater from time to time sent a fresh force to aid his hard-pressed men, the army of the Lacedaemonians was forced to give way, and drew back for a while. Agis, on seeing this, with the royal cohort, which was made up of his bravest men,
Sed ut primum instantibus curis laxatus est animus militarium rerum quam quietis otiique patientior, excepere eum voluptates, et, quem arma Persarum non
fregerant, vitia vicerunt: [2] tempestiva convivia et perpotandi pervigilandique insana dulcedo ludique et greges pelicum. Omnia in externum lapsa morem. Quem ille aemulatus quasi potiorem suo ita popularium animos oculosque pariter offendit, ut a plerisque amicorum pro hoste haberetur. [3] Tenaces quippe disciplinae suae solitosque parco аc parabili victu ad inplenda naturae desideria defungi in peregrina et devictarum gentium mala inpulerat. [4] Hinc saepius conparatae in caput eius insidiae, secessio militum et liberior inter mutuas querellas dolor, ipsius deinde nunc ira, nunc suspiciones, quas excitabat inconsultus pavor, ceteraque his similia, quae deinde dicentur. [5] Igitur cum tempestivis conviviis dies pariter noctesque consumeret, satietatem epularum ludis interpellabat non contentus artificum, quos e Graecia exciverat, turba: quippe captivae iubebantur suo ritu canere inconditum et abhorrens peregrinis auribus carmen. [6] Inter quas unam [p. 156] rex saepe conspexit maestiorem quam ceteras et producentibus eam verecunde reluctantem. Excellens erat forma, et formam pudor honestabat: deiectis in terram oculis et, quantum licebat, ore velato suspicionem praebuit regi, [7] nobiliorem esse, quam ut inter convivales ludos deberet ostendi. Ergo interrogata, quaenam esset, neptim se Ochi, qui nuper regnasset in Persis, filio eius geni tam esse respondit, uxorem Hystaspis fuisse. Propinquus hic Darei fuerat, magni et ipse exercitus praetor. [8] Adhuc in animo regis tenues reliquiae pristini moris haerebant: itaque fortunam regia stirpe genitae et tam celebre nomen neptem Ochi reveritus non dimitti modo captivam, [9] sed etiam restitui ei suas opes iussit, virum quoque requiri, ut reperto coniugem redderet. Postero autem die praecepit Hephaestioni, ut omnes captivos in regiam iuberet adduci. Ibi singulorum nobilitate spectata secrevit a vulgo, quorum eminebat genus. M hi fuerunt: inter quos repertus est Oxathres, Darei frater, non illius fortuna quam indole animi sui clarior. [10] XXVI milia talentum proxima praeda redacta erant omnino: duodecim milia in congiarium militum absumpta sunt, par huic pecuniae summa custodum fraude subtracta est. [11] Oxydates erat nobilis Perses, qui a Dareo capitali supplicio destinatus cohibebatur in vinculis: huic liberato satrapeam Mediae attribuit fratremque Darei recepit in cohortem amicorum omni vetustae claritatis honore servato. [p. 157] Hinc in Parthienen perventum est, [12] tunc ignobilem gentem, nunc caput omnium, qui post Euphraten et Tigrim amnes siti Rubro mari terminantur. [13] Scythae regionem campestrem ac fertilem occupaverant, graves adhuc accolae. Sedes habent et in Europa et in Asia: qui super Bosphorum colunt, adscribuntur Asiae, at, qui in Europa sunt, a laevo Thraciae latere ad Borysthenem atque inde ad Tanaim alium amnem recta plaga attinent. [14] Tanais Europam et Asiam medius interfluit. Nec dubitatur, quin Scythae, qui Parthos condidere, non a Bosphoro, sed ex Europae regione penetraverint. [15] Urbs erat ea tempestate clara Hecatompylos, condita a Graecis: ibi stativa rex habuit commeatibus undique advectis. Itaque rumor, otiosi militis vitium, sine auctore percrebruit, regem contentum rebus, quas gessisset, in Macedoniam protinus redire statuisse. Discurrunt lymphatis similes in tabernacula et itineri sarcinas aptant: [16] signum datum crederes, ut vasa colligerent totis castris. Tumultus hinc contubernales suos requirentium, hinc onerantium plaustra perfertur ad regem. [17] Fecerant fidem rumori temere vulgato Graeci milites redire iussi domos: quorum equitibus singulis denarium sena milia cum data essent, peditibus singula milia, ipsis quoque finem militiae adesse credebant. [18] Haud secus, quam par erat, territus, qui Indos atque [p. 158] ultima Orientis peragrare statuisset, praefectos copiarum in praetorium contrahit obortisque lacrimis ex medio gloriae spatio revocari se victi magis quam victoris fortunam in patriam relaturum conquestus est: [19] nee sibi ignaviam militum obstare, sed deum invidiam, qui fortissimis viris subitum patriae desiderium admovissent paulo post in eandem cum maiore laude famaque redituris. [20] Tum vero pro se quisque operam suam offerre, difficillima quaeque poscere, polliceri militum quoque obsequium, [21] si animos eorum leni et apta oratione permulcere voluisset: numquam infractos et abiectos recessisse, quotiens ipsius alacritatem et tanti animi spiritus haurire potuissent. Ita se facturum esse respondit: illi modo vulgi aures praepararent sibi. Satisque omnibus, quae in rem videbantur esse, conpositis vocari ad contionem exercitum iussit, apud quem talem orationem habuit:
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 98