III. “When you look back, soldiers, upon the greatness of the deeds which we have done, it is not surprising that you feel a desire for repose and a [2] satiety of glory. To say nothing of the Illyrians, the Triballi, Boeotia, Thrace, Sparta, the Achaeans, the Peloponnesus in general, some of whom I have subdued under my own leadership, others under my [3] command and auspices, lo! beginning war at the Hellespont, we have freed the Ionians and Aeolis from slavery to a savage barbarian, we have made ourselves masters of Caria, Lydia, Cappadocia, Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Pamphylia, the Pisidians, Cilicia, Syria, Phoenicia, Armenia, Persia, the Medes, [4] and Parthienê. The provinces of which I have taken possession outnumber the cities which others have captured, and I verily believe that in enumerating our exploits their very number has caused me to [5] forget some of them. Therefore, if I believed that the possession of the lands which we have so quickly subdued were wholly secure, I myself, my soldiers, even if you wished to hold me back, would rush to my home, to my mother and sisters, and to the rest of our fellow countrymen, in order that there rather than elsewhere I might enjoy with you the praise and glory which we have won, where the richest rewards of victory await us, the happiness of our children, wives and parents, the repose of peace, the carefree possession of the fruits of our valour.
“But in a new and, if we wish to confess the truth, insecure “empire, to whose yoke the barbarians still submit with obdurate necks, there is need of time, my soldiers, until they are trained to milder dispositions, and until better habits appease their [7] savage temper. The fruits of the earth also look forward to ripeness at its appointed season, so true is it that even those things, devoid of sense as they are, nevertheless grow soft in accordance with a law [8] of their own. Well, then! Do you believe that so many nations accustomed to the rule and name of another, united with us neither by religion, nor customs, nor community of language, have been subdued in the same battle in which they were overcome? It is by your arms that they are restrained, not by their dispositions, and those who fear us when we are present, in our absence will be enemies. We are dealing with savage beasts, which lapse of time only can tame when they are caught and caged, [9] because their own nature cannot tame them. And I am so far speaking as if our arms had subdued everything that was under the sway of Darius. Nabarzanes has taken possession of Hyrcania, the murderer Bessus not only holds Bactra, but he also threatens us; the Sogdiani, Dahae, Massagetae, Sacae, and Indi are independent. All these, as soon as they see our backs, will follow them; for they are of the same nation, we are of an alien race and foreigners. Moreover, everyone obeys his own rulers with better grace, even when he who dominates them can be more feared. Accordingly, we must either give up what we have taken, or we must seize what we do not yet hold.
Just as in ailing bodies, my soldiers, physicians leave nothing which will do harm, so let us cut away whatever stands in the way of our rule. Often to have ignored a tiny spark has roused a great conflagration. Nothing is safely despised in an enemy; one whom you have scorned you make stronger by [12] neglect. Not even Darius received the rule of the Persians by right of succession, but he was admitted to the throne of Cyrus by the favour of Bagoas, a eunuch; so do not suppose that it will be hard [13] labour for Bessus to seize a vacant kingdom. We certainly committed a sin, soldiers, if we conquered Darius for the purpose of turning over the sovereignty to his slave, who, having dared the worst of crimes, held his king in fetters, like a captive, even when he was in need of aid from without, and whom we, the victors, would surely have spared, and finally slew him in order that he might not be saved by us. Will you suffer such a man to rule? A man whom I, for my part, am in haste to see nailed to a cross, thus paying a well-deserved penalty to all kings and [15] nations, and to loyalty, which he desecrated. But, by Heaven! if presently it shall have been announced that the same wretch is laying waste the cities of the Greeks and the Hellespont, what grief will you feel that a Bessus has robbed you of the fruits of your victory! Then you will hurry to recover what is yours, then you will take up arms. But how much better it is to crush him while he is still in fear and almost beside himself.
[16] “A march of four days is left for us, who have trodden so many snows, have passed over so many rivers, crossed the heights of so many mountains. Not that sea, which with its rising tide covers the road with its waves, delays our march, not the passes and narrows of Cilicia shut us in, the whole country is level and easy. We stand on the very [17] threshold of victory. A few runaways and slayers of their master remain for us. A noble work, by Heaven! and one to be numbered among the chief of your glorious deeds you will hand down to posterity and to fame, namely, that you have avenged even Darius, your enemy, having ended your hatred of him after his death, by slaying his murderer, and [18] that no impious man has escaped your hands. When this has been accomplished, how much more submissive do you think that the Persians will be, when they know that you undertake pious wars, and that it is the crime of Bessus, not the Persian name, that inflames your wrath?”
Iamque ultima Hyrcaniae intraverat, cum Artabazus, quem Dareo fidissimum fuisse supra diximus, cum propinquis Darei ac suis liberis modicaque Graecorum militum manu occurrit. [2] Dextram venienti obtulit rex: quippe et hospes Philippi fuerat, cum Ocho regnante exularet, et hospitii pignora in regem suum ad ultimum fides conservata vincebat. [3] Comiter igitur exceptus: ‘Tu quidem,’ inquit, ‘rex, deos quaeso, perpetua felicitate floreas: ego ceteris laetus hoc uno torqueor, quod praecipiti senectute diu frui tua bonitate non possum.’ Nonagesimum et quintum annum agebat. [4] Novem iuvenes, omnes eadem matre geniti, patrem comitabantur: hos Artabazus dexterae regis admovit precatus, ut tam diu viverent, donec utiles Alexandro essent. [5] Rex pedibus iter plerumque faciebat: tunc admoveri sibi et Artabazo equos iussit, ne ipso ingrediente pedibus senex equo vehi erubesceret. [6] Ut deinde castra sunt posita, Graecos, quos Artabazus adduxerat, convocari iubet: at illi, nisi fides [p. 166] Lacedaemoniis quoque et Sinopensibus daretur, respondent se, quid agendum ipsis foret, deliberaturos. [7] Legati erant Lacedaemoniorum missi ad Dareum: quo victo adplicuerant se Graecis mercede apud Persas militantibus. [8] Rex omissis sponsionum fideique pignoribus venire eos iussit, fortunam, quam ipse dedisset, habituros. Diu cunctantes plerisque consilia variantibus tandem venturos se pollicentur. [9] At Democrates Atheniensis, qui maxime Macedonum opibus semper obstiterat, desperata venia gladio se transfigit. Ceteri, sicut constitueront, dicioni Alexandri ipsos se permittunt. [10] M et D milites erant, praeter hos legati ad Dareum missi XC. In supplementum distributus miles, ceteri remissi domum praeter Lacedaemonios, quos tradi in custodiam iussit. [11] Mardorum erat gens confinis Hyrcaniae, cultu vitae aspera et latrociniis adsueta: haec sola nec legatos miserat nec videbatur imperata factura. Itaque rex indignatus, si una gens posset efficere, ne invictus esset, [12] inpedimentis cum praesidio relictis valida manu comitante procedit. Noctu iter fecerat, et prima luce hostis in conspectu erat: tumultus magis quam proelium fuit. Deturbati ex collibus, quos occupaverant, barbari profugerunt, proximique vici ab incolis deserti capiuntur. [13] Interiora regionis eius haud sane adiri sine magna vexatione exercitus poterant: iuga montium praealtae silvae rupesque inviae saepiunt, ea, quae plana sunt, [14] novo munimenti genere inpedierant barbari. Arbores [p. 167] densae sunt de industria consitae: quarum teneros adhuc ramos manu flectunt, quos intortos rursus inserunt terrae: inde velut ex alia radice laetiores virent trunci. [15] Hos, qua natura fert, adolescere non sinunt: quippe alium alii quasi nexu conserunt. Qui ubi multa fronde vestiti sunt, operiunt terram: itaque occulti ramorum velut laquei perpetua saepe iter cludunt. [16] Una ratio erat caedendo aperire saltum, sed hoc quoque magni operis. Crebri namque nodi duraverant stipites, et in se inplicati arborum rami suspensis circulis similes lento vimine frustrabantur ictus. [17] Incolae autem ritu ferarum virgulta subire soliti tum quoque intraverant saltum occultisque telis hostem lacessebant. Ille venantium modo latibula scrutatus plerosque confodit, ad ultimum circumire saltum milites iubet, ut, si qua pateret, inrumperent. [18] Sed
ignotis locis plerique oberrabant, exceptique sunt quidam, inter quos equus regis . — Bucephalam vocabant — , quem Alexander non eodem quo ceteras pecudes animo aestimabat. Namque ille nec in dorso insidere suo patiebatur alium et regem, cum vellet escendere, sponte genua submittens excipiebat credebaturque sentire, quem veheret. [19] Maiore ergo, quam decebat, ira simul ac dolore stimulatus equum vestigari iubet et per interpretem pronuntiari, ni reddidissent, neminem esse victurum. Hаc denuntiatione territi cum ceteris donis equum adducunt. [20] Sed ne sic quidem mitigatus caedi silvas iubet adgestaque humo e montibus planitiem ramis inpeditam exaggerari. [21] Iam in aliquantum altitudinis opus creverat, cum barbari desperato regionem, quam [p. 168] oecupaverant, posse retineri, gentem suam dedidere. Rex obsidibus acceptis Phradati parere eos iussit. [22] Inde quinto die in stativa revertitur. Artabazum deinde geminato honore, quem Dareus habuerat ei, remittit domum. Iam ad urbem Hyrcaniae, in qua regia Darei fuit, ventum erat: ibi Nabarzanes accepta fide occurrit dona ingentia ferens. [23] Inter quae Bagoas erat, specie singulari spado atque in ipso flore pueritiae, cui et Dareus adsuerat et mox Alexander adsuevit: [24] eiusque maxime precibus motus Nabarzani ignovit. Erat, ut supra dictum est, Hyrcaniae finitima gens Amazonum, circa Thermodonta amnem Themiscyrae incolentium campos. [25] Reginam habebant Thalestrin, omnibus inter Caucasum montem et Phasin amnem imperitantem. Haec cupidine visendi regis accensa finibus regni sui excessit et, cum haud procul abesset, praemisit indicantes, venisse reginam adeundi eius cognoscendique avidam. [26] Protinus facta potestas est veniendi ceteris iussis subsistere. Trecentis feminarum comitata processit atque, ut primum rex in conspectu fuit, equo ipsa desiluit duas lanceas dextera praeferens. [27] Vestis non tota Amazonum corpori obducitur: nam laeva pars ad pectus est nuda, cetera deinde velantur. Nec tamen sinus vestis, quem nodo colligunt, infra genua descendit. [28] Altera papilla intacta servatur, qua muliebris sexus liberos alant: aduritur dextera, ut arcus facilius intendant et tela vibrent. [29] Interrito vultu regem Thalestris intuebatur habitum eius haudquaquam [p. 169] rerum famae parem oculis perlustrans: quippe omnibus barbaris in corporum maiestate veneratio est, magnorumque operum non alios capaces putant, quam quos eximia specie donare natura dignata est. [30] Ceterum interrogata, num aliquid petere vellet, haud dubitavit fateri ad communicandos cum rege liberos se venisse, dignam, ex qua ipse regni generaret heredes: feminini sexus se retenturam, [31] marem reddituram patri. Alexander, an cum ipso militare vellet, interrogat: at ilia causata, sine custode regnum reliquisse, petere perseveraba, ne se inritam spei abire pateretur. [32] Acrior ad venerem feminae cupido quam regis, ut paucos dies subsisteret, perpulit. xiii dies in obsequium desiderii eius absumpti sunt. Tum illa regnum suum, rex Parthienen petiverunt.
IV. The address was received with the greatest enthusiasm of the soldiers, who bade him lead them [2] whithersoever he wished. Nor did the king delay their ardour, but two days later he made his way through Parthienê to the borders of Hyrcania, having left Craterus with the forces under his command and the band which Amyntas was leading, besides 600 horsemen and the same number of archers, to protect Parthienê from any inroad of the [3] barbarians. He ordered Erigyius to conduct the baggage by the route through the plains, having given him a moderate escort. He himself with the phalanx and the cavalry, after traversing 150 stadia, fortified a camp in the valley through which one enters Hvrcania. There is a grove shaded by a dense growth of very tall trees, where the rich soil of the valley is watered by streams which flow from [4] the overhanging rocks. From the very roots of the mountains the Stiboetes River gushes forth, which flows as a single stream for a distance of nearly three stadia, then, dashed against a rock which obstructs its little channel, it forms two branches, as if by a distribution of its waters. From there a torrent, made more violent by the rough stones over which it runs, it plunges headlong under the earth. For 300 stadia it glides on in a hidden course, and again, as if reborn from another source, it comes to the surface and cuts a new channel, wider than its former [6] one — for it expands to a width of thirteen stadia — and once more contracts its course within narrower banks. At last it empties into another river; it is [7] called the Rhidagnus. The natives asserted that whatever articles had been thrown into the cavern which is nearer the river’s source come out where the other mouth of the river opens; therefore Alexander gave orders that oxen be thrown in where the waters go under the earth, and those who were sent to intercept them saw their bodies thrown out where the river bursts forth again.
[8] Alexander had already given the soldiers a rest for the fourth day in the same place, when from Nabarzanes, who with Bessus had taken Darius prisoner, he received a letter, of which this was the purport: That he had not been an enemy of Darius, quite on the contrary, he had given him what he believed to be salutary advice, and because he had given the king faithful counsel, he had barely escaped [9] with his life. That Darius had meditated handing over the guardianship of his person to foreign soldiers, contrary to what was just and right, distrusting the loyalty of his own subjects, which for two hundred and thirty years they had preserved inviolate to their [10] kings. For his own part, standing as he was on dangerous and slippery ground, he had taken counsel from his immediate necessity. Darius also, when he had killed Bagoas, had satisfied his countrymen with this excuse, that he had killed the eunuch because he was plotting against him. That nothing was more precious to wretched mortals than life; that it was from love of this that he had been driven to extremities. But those acts he had yielded to, rather than desired. In a general calamity each man’s fortune was his own.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 100