VI. It was in fact at this time that Alexander gave loose rein to his passions, and changed continence and self-control, eminent virtues in every exalted fortune, to haughtiness and wantonness.
[2] Regarding his native customs and the discipline of the Macedonian kings, wholesomely restrained and democratic, as too low for his grandeur, he strove to rival the loftiness of the Persian court, equal to [3] the power of the gods; he demanded that the victors over so many nations in paying their respects to him should prostrate themselves upon the ground, and gradually sought to accustom them to servile [4] duties and to treat them like captives. Accordingly, he encircled his brow with a purple diadem, variegated with white such as Darius had worn, and assumed the Persian garb, not even fearing the omen of changing from the insignia of a victor to the [5] dress of the conquered. In fact, he used to say that he was wearing the spoils of the Persians; but with them he had assumed also their customs, and insolence of spirit accompanied the magnificence of his [6] attire. The letters also which were to be sent to Europe he sealed with the device of his former ring; on those which he wrote to Asia, the ring of Darius was impressed, so that it appeared that one mind was not equal to the fortune of the two realms.
[7] Moreover, he compelled his friends, the cavalry, and with them the leaders of the soldiers, to wear the Persian dress, which was indeed repugnant to them, [8] but which they did not dare to refuse. Three hundred and sixty-five concubines, the same number that Darius had had, filled his palace, attended by herds of eunuchs, also accustomed to prostitute themselves.
[9] These practices, corrupted by luxury and foreign customs, were openly detested by the veteran soldiers of Philip, a people novices in voluptuousness, and in the whole camp the feeling and the talk of all was the same, namely, that more had been lost by victory [10] than had been gained by war; that it was then above all that they themselves were conquered men, when they had surrendered themselves to alien and foreign habits. With what face, pray, would they return to their homes, as if in the attire of prisoners? The king was already ashamed of them since, resembling the vanquished rather than the victors, he had changed from a ruler of Macedonia to a satrap of [11] Darius. The king, not unaware that the chief of his friends, and the army as well, were grievously offended, tried to win back their favour by liberality and by bounty. But, in my opinion, the price of [12] slavery is hateful to free men. Therefore, that the situation might not result in mutiny, it was necessary to put an end to their leisure by war, the material for which was opportunely increasing.
[13] For Bessus, having assumed regal attire, had given orders that he should be called Artaxerxes, and was assembling the Scythians and the rest of the peoples dwelling by the Tanais.
This was announced by Satibarzanes, whom Alexander had received under his protection and had made satrap of the region which he had formerly governed.
[14] And since the army, laden with spoils and the equipment of luxury, could with difficulty be moved, he ordered first his own baggage, then that of the whole army, to be gathered together in their midst, except 16 what was absolutely necessary. There was a spacious plain, into which they had driven the loaded wagons. When all were wondering what the king was going to order next, he commanded that the animals be led away, and, when he had first applied a torch to his [16] own pack, that the rest be burned. There were consumed, set on fire by their owners, the riches to save which unharmed from the cities of the enemy they had often extinguished flames, and no one dared to weep for the price of his blood, when the [17] same fire was consuming the king’s wealth. Then in a short time reason soothed their grief, and, prepared for military service and ready for everything, they rejoiced that jettison had been made of their packs, and not of their discipline. —
[18] Therefore they were making for the region of Bactra But the carrying off of Nicanor, son of Parminion by a sudden death had been a cause of great grief to all. The king, saddened more than the others, desired to halt in order to be present at his funeral, but scarcity of supplies caused him to hasten; therefore, leaving Philotas with 2600 men to perform the due rites for his brother, he hurried on to meet Bessus.
[20] As he was on his way, letters were brought to him from the neighbouring satraps, from which he learned that Bessus was in fact coming to meet him with hostile intent with his army, but also that Satibarzanes, whom he himself had given charge of the [21] satrapy of the Arii, had revolted from him. Therefore, although eager to meet Bessus, yet thinking it best to make it his first business to crush Satibarzanes, he led out his light-armed troops and his cavalry forces, and marching swiftly all night, came [22] unexpectedly upon the enemy. On learning of is arrival Satibarzanes with 2000 horsemen — or he had not been able in his haste to muster more — fled for refuge to Bactra, the rest took possession of the [23] neighbouring mountains. There is a rock, very steep on its western side, but towards the east sinking with a gentler slope; covered with many trees, it has a perennial fount, from which there is an abundant flow of water. Its circuit covers thirty-two stadia. On its summit is a grass-covered plain; on this they ordered those who were not fit for war to take their places. They themselves piled tree-trunks and stones against the slope of the rock. They [28] numbered 13,000 armed men. Leaving Craterus to blockade these, he hastened in pursuit of Satibarzanes. But because he had learned that the barbarian was a long distance away, he returned to storm those who had taken possession of the mountain [26] heights. And first he ordered to be cleared whatever road they would be able to traverse; then, when impassable crags and precipices presented themselves, the labour seemed hopeless against the [27] opposition of Nature. But Alexander, being always of a mind to wrestle with difficulties, since to advance was a hard task and to return dangerous, considered all kinds of expedients as his mind suggested one after another — as is usual when we reject every first thought.
As he was at a loss, chance offered a plan which calculation could not suggest. There was a strong west wind, and the soldiers had cut a great amount of wood when trying to make an approach over the stones. This, dried by the heat, had caught fire; [29] therefore he ordered other trees to be piled on, and fuel to be given to the flames, and soon, as the trunks were heaped up, they equalled the height of [30] the mountain. Then fire was thrown upon it from every side and kindled the whole mass. The wind drove the flames into the faces of the enemy, a great [31] smoke had hidden the sky as if by a cloud. The woods roared from the conflagration, and those parts also to which the soldiers had not set fire, took fire themselves, and burned everything that was near them. The barbarians tried to escape the worst of torments, if the fire died down anywhere, but where the flames gave a passage the enemy awaited them.
[32] Hence they were destroyed by varied forms of death; some threw themselves into the midst of the flames, others down from the rocks, some offered themselves to the hands of the enemy, a few, half roasted, came into their power.
[33] From there he returned to Craterus, who was besieging Artacana. He, having prepared everything beforehand, was awaiting the coming of the king, leaving to him the honour of capturing the city, [34] as was right. Therefore Alexander ordered towers to be brought up; and at the mere sight the terrified barbarians on the walls, stretching out their hands, palms up, began to entreat him to reserve his anger for Satibarzanes, the ringleader of the revolt, and to spare the suppliants who surrendered themselves. The king pardoned them, and not only put an end to the siege, but returned all their property to the inhabitants.
[35] When he had left this city, a reserve of new soldiers met him; Zoilus had brought 500 soldiers from Greece, Antipater had sent 3000 from Illyrieum, with Philip there were 130 Thessalian cavalry, from Lydia 2600 foreign troops had come, and 300 horsemen of the same race followed. With the addition of these forces he entered the land of the Drangae, a warlike tribe. Their satrap was Barzaentes, an accomplice with Bessus in the crime against his king; he, fearing the punishment which he had deserved, fled to India.
Adv
ocato tum consilio amicorum, cui tamen Philotas adhibitus non est, Nicomachum introduci iubet. [2] Is eadem, quae detulerat frater ad regem, ordine exposuit. [3] Erat Craterus regi carus in paucis et eo Philotae ob aemulationem dignitatis adversus neque ignorabat saepe Alexandri auribus nimia iactatione virtutis atque operae gravem fuisse et ob ea non quidem sceleris, sed contumaciae tamen esse suspectum. [4] Non aliam premendi inimici occasionem aptiorem futuram ratus odio suo pietatis praeferens speciem: ‘Utinam,’ [5] inquit, ‘in principio quoque huius rei nobiscum deliberasses! Suasissemus, si Philotae velles ignoscere, patereris potius ignorare eum, quantum deberet tibi, [p. 179] quam usque ad mortis metum adductum saepius de periculo suo quam de tuo cogitare beneficio. Ille enim semper insidiari tibi poterit, tu non semper Philotae poteris ignoscere. [6] Nec est, quod existimes eum, qui tantum ausus est, venia posse mutari. Scit eos, qui misericordiam consumpserunt, amplius sperare non posse. [7] At ego, etiam si ipse vel paenitentia vel beneficio tuo victus quiescere volet, patrem eius Parmenionem, tanti ducem exercitus et inveterata apud milites suos auctoritate haud multum infra magnitudinis tuae fastigium positum, scio non aequo animo salutem filii sui debiturum tibi. [8] Quaedam beneficia odimus. Meruisse mortem confiteri pudet: superest, ut malit videri iniuriam accepisse quam vitam. Proinde scito tibi cum illis de salute esse pugnandum. [9] Satis hostium superest, ad quos persequendos ituri sumus: latus a domesticis hostibus muni. Hos si summoves, nihil metuo ab externo.’ Haec Craterus. [10] Nec ceteri dubitabant, quin coniurationis indicium suppressuras non fuisset nisi auctor aut particeps. Quem enim pium et bonae mentis, non amicum modo, sed ex ultima plebe, auditis, quae ad eum delata erant, non protinus ad regem fuisse cursurum? ne Cebalini quidem exemplo, [11] qui ex fratre conperta ipsi nuntiasset, commotum esse Parmenionis filium, praefectum equitatus, omnium arcanorum regis arbitrum! Simulasse etiam, non vacasse sermoni suo regem, ne index alium internuntium [p. 180] [12] quaereret. Nicomachum religione quoque deum adstrictum conscientiam suam exonerare properasse: Philotam consumpto per ludum iocumque paene toto die gravatum esse pauca verba pertinentia ad caput regis tam longo et forsitan supervacuo inserere sermoni. [13] At eum non credidisse talia deferentibus pueris! Cur igitur extraxisset biduum, tamquam indicio haberet fidem? Dimittendum fuisse Cebalinum, si delationem eius damnabat. [14] In suo quemque periculo magnum animum habere: [15] cum de salute regis timeretur, credulos esse debere, vana quoque deferentis admittere. Omnes igitur quaestionem de eo, ut participes sceleris indicare cogeretur, habendam esse decernunt. Rex admonitos, uti consilium silentio premerent, dimittit. Pronuntiari deinde iter in posterum iubet, [16] ne qua noxiis initi consilii daretur nota. Invitatus est etiam Philotas ad ultimas ipsi epulas, et rex non cenare modo, sed etiam familiariter conloqui cum eo, quem damnaverat, sustinuit. [17] Secunda deinde vigilia luminibus extinctis cum paucis in regiam coeunt Hephaestion et Crateras et Coenus et Erigyius, hi ex amicis, ex armigeris autem Perdiccas et Leonnatus. Per hos imperatum, ut qui ad praetorium excubabant, armati vigilarent. [18] Iam ad omnes aditus dispositi erant equites, itinera quoque obsidere iussi, [19] ne quis ad Parmenionem, qui tum Mediae magnisque copiis praeerat, occultus evaderet. Atarrhias autem cum CCC armatis intraverat regiam: huic decem [p. 181] satellites adduntur, quorum singulos deni armigeri sequebantur. [20] Hi ad alios coniuratos conprehendendos distributi sunt, Atarrhias cum trecentis ad Philotam missus clausum aditum domus moliebatur L iuvenum promptissimis stipatus : nam ceteros cingere undique domum iusserat, ne occulto aditu Philotas posset elabi. [21] Ilium sive securitate animi sive fatigatione resolutum somnus oppresserat: quem Atarrhias torpentem adhuc occupat. [22] Tandem ei sopore discusso cum inicerentur catenae: ‘Vicit,’ inquit, ‘bonitatem tuam, rex, inimicorum meorum acerbitas.’ Nec plura elocutum capite velato in regiam adducunt. [23] Postero die rex edixit, omnes armati coirent. VI milia fere militum venerant, praeterea turba lixarum calonumque inpleverant regiam. [24] Philotan armigeri agmine suo tegebant, ne ante conspici posset a vulgo, quam rex adlocutus milites esset. [25] De capitalibus rebus vetusto Macedonum modo inquirebat rex, iudicabat exercitus — in pace erat vulgi — , et nihil potestas regum valebat, nisi prius valuisset auctoritas. [26] Igitur Dymni primum cadaver infertur plerisque, quid parasset quove casu extinctus esset, ignaris.
VII. Already Alexander had been encamped for nine days in the same place, when, being not only safe from force from without, but unconquered, he was attacked by a crime within his own household.
[2] Dymnus, a man of slight weight and favour with the king, burned with love for a catamite named Nicomachus, bound by the compliance of a body devoted [3] to him alone. He, as if in great alarm, as could clearly be seen also from his expression, without witnesses withdrew with the youth into a temple, first saying that he had something secret and confidential to communicate, and when the youth was on tiptoe [4] of expectation, he besought him by their affection for each other, and by the pledges which they had both exchanged, to declare under oath that he would keep silent about what Dymnus should reveal to him.
[5] Nicomachus, not supposing that he would tell him anything which it would be incumbent on him to disclose even at the cost of breaking his word, took oath by the gods in whose temple they were. Then Dymnus revealed that a plot against the king had been arranged for the third day thereafter, and that he shared in that design with some brave and distinguished men.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 102