IX. In reply the king responded that he would make use of his own fortune and of their advice; for he would follow his fortune, in which he had confidence, and the advice of those who had pursuaded him not to do anything rash and reckless. Having dismissed the envoys, he embarked his army on the rafts which he had prepared beforehand. On the prows he had stationed those who carried bucklers, with orders to sink upon their knees, in order that they might be safer against the shots of arrows. Behind these stood those who worked the hurling engines, surrounded both on each side and in front by armed men. The rest who were placed behind the artillary, were armed with shields in testudo-formation, defended the rowers, who were not protected by corselets. The same order was observed also on those rafts which carried the cavalry. The greater part of these let their horses swim astern, held by the reins. But the men who were carried on skins stuffed with straw were protected by the rafts that came between them and the foe.
The king himself with a select band of troops was the first to cast off a raft and to order it to be against the opposite bank. To him the Scythians opposed ranks of horsemen moved up to the very margin of the bank, that the rafts might not be able even to reach the land. Moreover, besides the sight of the army guarding the banks, great terror had seized those who were managing the rafts; for the steersmen could not direct their course, since they were driven in a aslanting direction, and the soldiers, who kept their feet with difficulty and were worried by fear of being shaken overboard, threw into confusion the work of the boatmen. Although making every effort the soldiers could not even hurl their javelins, since they thought rather of keeping their footing without danger than of attacking the enemy. Their safety was the hurling-engines, from which bolts were hurled with effect against the enemy who were crowded together and recklessly exposed [8] themselves. The barbarians also poured such a great amount of arrows upon the rafts, that there was hardly a single shield that was not pierced by many of their [9] points at the same time. And now the rafts were being brought to land, when those who were armed with bucklers rose in a body and with sure aim, since they had firm footing, hurled their spears from the rafts. And as soon as they saw that the horses were terrified and drawing back, inspired by mutual encouragement, they began to leap to land and [10] vigorously to charge the disordered barbarians. Then the troops of horsemen, who had their horses bridled, broke through the enemies’ line. In the meantime the rest, being covered by those who were fighting, [11] prepared themselves for battle. The king himself by the vigour of his courage made up for what he still lacked in bodily strength because of his illness. His words of encouragement could not be heard, since the old wound on his neck was not yet wholly healed, but [12] all saw him fighting. And so they themselves played the part of leaders, and urging one another against the enemy, they began to rush upon them, regardless of their lives. —
[13] Then truly the barbarians could not endure the faces, the arms, nor the shouts of the enemy, but all with loose rein -for it was an army of cavalry — took flight The king, although he was unable to endure the tossing of his ailing body, yet persisted in pursuing [14] them for eighty stadia. And when finally his strength gave out, he ordered his men, so long as any light remained, to follow at the backs of the fugitives, he himself, having exhausted even his strength of mind, returned to the camp and remained there.
[15] Already they had passed the bounds of Father Bacchus, which were marked by stones set up at frequent intervals and by tall trees whose trunks [16] were covered with ivy. But the wrath of the Macedonians carried them still farther; for it was nearly midnight when they returned to camp, after having slain many and taken still more prisoners, and they drove off 1800 horses. But of the Macedonians there fell sixty horsemen and about one hundred foot-soldiers; 1000 were wounded.
[17] This campaign by the fame of so opportune a victory completely subdued Asia, which in great part was revolting. They had believed that the Scythians were invincible; alter their defeat they confessed that no nation would be a match for the Macedonians. Accordingly the Sacae sent envoys [18] to promise that they would submit; the valour of the king had not influenced them more than his clemency towards the conquered Scythians. For he had sent back all the prisoners without a ransom, in order to make it appear that his rivalry with the most warlike nations was in bravery and not in blind rage. Therefore he received the envoys of the Sacae courteously and gave them Euxenippus to accompany them; he was still very young and a favourite of the king because of his youthful beauty, but although in handsome appearance he was equal to Hephaestion, he was not his match in a charm which was indeed not manly.
[20] The king himself, having ordered Craterus with the greater part of the army to follow by moderate marches, went on to the city of Maracanda. From there Spitamenes, on learning of his coming, had [21] fled to Bactra. Accordingly the king, having in four days traversed a great extent of country, had reached the place where, under the lead of Menedemus, he had lost 2000 foot-soldiers and 300 cavalry. He ordered the bones of these to be covered with a mound and offered sacrifice to the spirits of the dead in the Macedonian fashion. Now Craterus, who had been ordered to follow with the phalanx, had rejoined the king; accordingly, in order that all who had revolted might alike be visited with the disasters of war, he divided his forces and gave orders that the fields should be set on fire and that all who were of military age should be killed.
Sogdiaua regio maiore ex parte deserta est: octingenta fere stadia in latitudinem vastae solitudines tenent. [2] Ingens spatium rectae regionis est, per quam amnis — Polytimetum vocant incolae — fertur. Torrentem eum ripae in tenuem alveum cogunt, deinde caverna accipit et sub terram rapit. [3] Cursus abscon- [p. 244] diti indicium est aquae meantis sonus, cum ipsum solum, sub quo tantus amnis fluit, ne modico quidem resudet humore. [4] Ex captivis Sogdianorum ad regem XXX nobilissimi corporum robore eximio perducti erant: qui ubi per interpretem cognoverunt iussu regis ipsos ad supplicium trahi, carmen laetantium modo canere tripudiisque et lasciviori corporis motu gaudium quoddam animi ostentare coeperunt. [5] Admiratus est rex tanta magnitudine animi oppetere mortem revocari eos iussit, [6] causam tam effusae laetitiae, cum supplicium ante oculos haberent, requirens. Illi, si ab alio occiderentur, tristes morituros fuisse respondent: nunc a tanto rege, victore omnium gentium, maioribus suis redditos honestam mortem, quam fortes viri voto quoque expeterent, [7] carminibus sui moris laetitiaque celebrare. Tantam rex admiratus magnitudinem animi: ‘Quaero,’ inquit, ‘an vivere velitis non inimici mihi, [8] cuius beneficio victuri estis?’ Illi numquam se inimicos ei, sed bello lacessitos se inimicos hosti fuisse respondent: si quis ipsos beneficio quam iniuria experiri maluisset, certaturos fuisse, ne vincerentur officio. [9] Interrogantique, quo pignore fidem obligaturi essent, vitam, quam acciperent, pignori futuram esse dixerunt : reddituros, quandoque repetisset. Nec promissum fefellerunt. Nam, qui remissi domos erant, fide continuere populares: quattuor inter custodes corporis retenti nulli Macedonum in regem caritate cesserunt. [p. 245] [10] In Sogdianis Peucolao cum III milibus peditum — neque enim maiore praesidio indigebat — relicto Bactra pervenit. Inde Bessum Ecbatana duci iussit interfecto Dareo poenas capite persoluturum. [11] Isdem fere diebus Ptolomaeus et Melanidas peditum IIII milia et equites м adduxerunt mercede militaturos. [12] Asander quoque ex Lycia cum pari numero peditum et D equitibus venit. Totidem ex Syria Asclepiodorum sequebantur. Antipater Graecorum VIII milia, in quis DC equites erant, miserat. [13] Itaque exercitu aucto ad ea, quae defectione turbata erant, conponenda processit, interfectisque consternationis auctoribus quarto die ad flumen Oxum perventum est. Hic, quia limum vehit, turbidus semper, insalubris est potui. [14] Itaque puteos miles coeperat fodere, nec tamen humo alte egesta existebat humor. Tandem in ipso tabernaculo regis conspectus est fons: quem quia tarde notaverant, subito extitisse finxerunt, rexque ipse credi voluit, deum donum id fuisse. [15] Superatis deinde amnibus Ocho et Oxo ad urbem Margianam pervenit. Circa eam VI oppidis condendis electa sedes est, duo ad meridiem versa, IIII specta
ntia orientem: modicis inter se spatiis distabant, ne procul repetendum esset mutuum auxilium. [16] Haec omnia sita sunt in editis collibus. Tunc [p. 246] velut freni domitarum gentium, nunc originis suae oblita serviunt, quibus imperaverunt.
X. The region of Sogdiana is for the greater part deserted; desert wastes occupy a width of 800 [2] stadia. It extends straight on for a vast distance, through which flows a river which the natives cal! the Polytimetus. This is at first a torrent, since its banks force it into a narrow channel, then a cavern [3] receives it, and hurries it off under the ground. Its hidden course is revealed only by the noise of the flowing waters, since the soil itself under which so great a river flows does not exude even a slight moisture. Of the prisoners of the Sogdiani thirty of the noblest born, men of extraordinary strength of body, had been brought in to the king; when these learned through an interpreter that they were being led to execution by order of the king, they began to sing a song a as if rejoicing, and to show a kind of pleasure by dances and by wanton movements of their [5] bodies. The king, surprised at their facing death with such greatness of spirit, ordered them to be recalled, and inquired the reason for such transports of joy when they had execution before their eyes.
They replied that if they were to be killed by anyone else they would have died sorrowful; as it was, being restored to their ancestors by so great a king, conqueror of all nations, they were celebrating by their usual songs and with rejoicing a glorious death, which brave men might even pray for.
[7] Admiring such great courage, Alexander said:
“I ask you whether you would wish to live on condition of not being unfriendly to me to whose favour [8] you will owe your lives.” They replied that they had never been unfriendly to him, but that when provoked to war they were enemies of their foe. It one had preferred to try them with kindness rather than with injury, they would have striven not to be outdone in courtesy. And when asked by what pledge they would bind their loyalty, they said that the life which was granted them would be their pledge; that they would pay it when he demanded it. And they kept their promise. For those who were then sent to their homes have by their good faith held their fellow-citizens together; four, who were retained as a part of his body-guard, yielded to none of the Macedonians in affection for the king.
[10] Having left Peucolaus among the Sogdiani with 3000 infantry — for he needed no larger force — Alexander came to Bactra. From there he ordered Bessus to be taken to Ecbatana, to expiate with [11] his life his murder of Darius. At about the same time Ptolemy and Melanidas brought the king 4000 infantry and 1000 horsemen, to serve as mercenaries. Asander also came from Lycia with an equal number of foot-soldiers and 500 horsemen. The same number followed Asclepiodorus from Syria. Antipater had sent 8000 Greeks, among whom were [13] 600 cavalry. With his army thus increased the king marched forth to set in order the provinces which had been disordered by the revolt; and after putting to death the ringleaders of the disturbance, he returned on the fourth day to the river Oxus. This river, because it carries silt, is always turbid and unwholesome [14] to drink. Therefore the soldiers had begun to dig wells; yet, although they excavated the soil to a great depth, they found no water. At length a spring was found right in the king’s tent, and because they had been late in perceiving it, they spread the report that it had suddenly appeared, and the king himself wished it to be believed that it was a [15] gift of the gods. Then he crossed the rivers Ochus and Oxus and came to the city of Margiana. Round about it six sites were chosen for founding towns, two facing south and four east; they were distant from one another only a moderate space, so that they might be able to aid one another without seeking help from a distance. All these were situated on [16] high hills. At that time they served as curbs upon the conquered nations; to-day, forgetful of their origin, they serve those over whom they once ruled.
Et cetera quidem pacaverat rex. Una erat petra, quam Ariamazes Sogdianus cum XXX milibus armatorum obtinebat alimentis ante congestis, [2] quae tantae multitudini vel per biennium suppeterent. Petra in altitudinem XXX eminet stadia, circuitu C et L conplectitur: undique abscisa et abrupta semita perangusta aditur. [3] In medio altitudinis spatio habet specum, cuius os artum et obscurum est: paulatim deinde ulteriora panduntur, ultima etiam altos recessus habent. Fontes per totum fere specum manant, e quibus collatae aquae per prona montis flumen emittunt. [4] Rex loci difficultate spectata statuerat inde abire: cupido deinde incessit animo naturam quoque fatigandi. [5] Prius tamen quam fortunam obsidionis experiretur, Cophen — Artabazi hic filius erat — misit ad barbaros, qui suaderet, ut dederent rupem. Ariamazes loco fretus superbe multa respondit, ad ultimum, an Alexander etiam volare posset, interrogat. [6] Quae nuntiata regi sic accendere animum, ut adhibitis, cum quibus consultare erat solitus, indicaret insolentiam barbari eludentis ipsos, quia pinnas non haberent: se autem proxima nocte effecturum, ut crederet Macedones etiam volare. [7] ‘CCC,’ inquit, ‘pernicissimos iuvenes ex suis quisque copiis perducite ad me, qui per calles et paene invias rupes domi pecora agere consueverant.’ [8] Illi praestantes et [p. 247] levitate corporum et ardore animorum strenue adducunt. Quos intuens rex: ‘Vobiscum,’ inquit, ‘o iuvenes et mei aequales, urbium invictarum ante me munimenta superavi, montium iuga perenni nive obruta emensus sum, angustias Ciliciae intravi, Indiae sine lassitudine vim frigoris sum perpessus. Et mei documenta vobis dedi et vestra habeo. [9] Petra, quam videtis, unum aditum habet, quem barbari obsident, cetera neglegunt: nullae vigiliae sunt, nisi quae castra nostra spectant. [10] Invenietis viam, si sollerter rimati fueritis aditus ferentis ad cacumen. Nihil tam alte natura constitua, quo virtus non possit eniti. Experiendo, quae ceteri desperaverunt, Asiam habemus in potestate. [11] Evadite in cacumen: quod cum ceperitis, candidis velis signum mihi dabitis: ego copiis admotis hostem in nos a vobis convertam. [12] Praemium erit ei, qui primus occupaverit verticem, talenta x, uno minus accipiet, qui proximus ei venerit, eademque ad decem homines servabitur portio. Certum autem habeo vos non tam liberalitatem intueri meam quam voluntatem.’ [13] His animis regem audierunt, ut iam cepisse verticem viderentur: dimissique ferreos cuneos, quos inter saxa defigerent, validosque funes parabant. [14] Rex circumvectus petram, qua minime asper аc praeruptus aditus videbatur, secunda vigilia, quod bene verteret, ingredi iubet. Illi alimentis in biduum sumptis gladiis modo atque hastis armati subire coeperunt. [15] Ac primo pedibus ingressi sunt: deinde, ut in praerupta perventum est, alii manibus eminentia saxa conplexi levavere semet, [p. 248] alii adiectis funium laqueis evasere, quidam, cum cuneos inter saxa defigerent, gradus subdidere, quis insisterent. [16] Diem inter metum laboremque consumpserunt. Per aspera enisis duriora restabant, et crescere altitudo petrae videbatur. Illa vero miserabilis erat facies, cum ii, quos instabilis gradus fefellerat, ex praecipiti devolverentur: mox eadem in se patienda alieni casus ostendebat exemplum. [17] Per has tamen difficultates enituntur in verticem montis, omnes fatigatione continuati laboris adfecti, quidam mulcati parte mеmbrorum pariterque eos et nox et somnus oppressit. [18] Stratis passim corporibus in inviis et asperis saxorum periculi instantis obliti in lucem quieverunt: tandemque velut ex alto sopore excitati occultas subiectasque ipsis valles rimantes, ignari, in qua parte petrae tanta vis hostium condita esset, fumum specu infra se ipsos evolutum notaverunt. [19] Ex quo intellectum, illam hostium latebram esse. Itaque hastis inposuere, quod convenerat signum: totoque e numero II et XXX in ascensu interisse adgnoscunt. [20] Rex non cupitline magis potiundi loci quam vice eorum, quos ad tam manifestum periculum miserat, sollicitas toto die cacumina montis intuens restitit: noctu demum, cum obscuritas conspectum oculorum ademisset, ad curandum corpus recessit. [21] Postero die nondum satis clara luce primus vela, signum capti verticis, conspexit. Sed, ne falleretur acies, dubitare cogebat varietas caeli nunc internitente lucis [p. 249] fulgore, nunc condito. Verum, ut liquidior lux adparuit caelo, dubitatio exempta est: [22] vocatumque Cophen, per quem barbarorum animos temptaverat, mittit ad eos, qui moneret, nunc saltem salubrius consilium inirent: sin autem fiducia loci perseverarent, ost
endi a tergo iussit, qui ceperant verticem. [23] Cophes admissus suadere coepit Ariamazi petram tradere, gratiam regis inituro, si tantas res molientem in unius rupis obsidione haerere non coegisset. Ille ferocius superbius que quam antea locutus abire Cophen iubet: [24] at is prensum manu barbarum rogat, ut secum extra specum prodeat. Quo inpetrato iuvenes in cacumine ostendit et eius superbiae haud inmerito inludens pinnas habere ait milites Alexandri. [25] Iamque e Macedonum castris signorum concentus et totius exercitus clamor audiebatur. Ea res, sicut pleraque belli, vana et inanis barbaros ad deditionem traxit: quippe occupati metu paucitatem eorum, qui a tergo erant, aestimare non poterant. [26] Itaque Cophen — nam trepidantes reliquerat — strenue revocant et cum eo XXX principes mittunt, qui petram tradant et, ut incolumibus abire liceat, paciscantur. [27] Ille quamquam verebatur, ne conspecta iuvenum paucitate, deturbarent eos barbari, tamen et fortunae suae confisus et Ariamazi superbiae infensus, nullam se condicionem deditionis accipere respondit. [28] Ariamazes desperatis magis quam perditis rebus cum [p. 250] propinquis nobilissimisque gentis suae descendit in castra: quos omnis verberibus adfectos sub ipsis radicibus petrae crucibus iussit adfigi. [29] Multitudo deditorum incolis novarum urbium cum pecunia capta dono data est, Artabazus in petrae regionisque, quae adpo sita esset ei, tutelam relictus.
Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus Page 113