[13] Quite clearly this speech was directed against Callisthenes. The austerity of the man and his ready freedom of speech were odious to the king, as if he alone were delaying the Macedonians, who were prepared for such obsequiousness. He then, when silence ensued and the rest were looking at him alone, said: “If the king had been present at your talk, surely the words of no one would be needed to reply to you; for he himself would beg that you should not force him to descend to foreign and alien rites, nor would you expose his highly successful exploits to [15] odium by such flattery. But since he is not present, I am replying to you in his behalf that no fruit is at the same time both durable and prematurely ripened, and that you are not giving divine honours to your king, but taking them from him. For there is need of time for a man to be believed to be a god, and it is always thus that future generations requite great [16] men. But I pray for a late immortality for the king, in order that his life may be long and his majesty eternal. Divinity sometimes overtakes a man, it never accompanies him.
[17] “You mentioned Hercules and Father Liber just now as examples of consecration to immortality. Do you believe that they were made gods by the decree of a single banquet? Their mortal nature was removed from sight before Fame transported them [18] to Heaven. Forsooth you and I, Cleo, make gods, from us the king will receive endorsement of his divinity! I should like to try your power; make someone a king, if you can make a god. Is it easier [19] to bestow heaven than empire? May the propitious gods have heard without offence what Cleo said, and suffer things to go on in the same course in which they have flowed up to now. May they allow us to be content with our habits. I am not ashamed of my fatherland, nor do I desire to learn from the vanquished how I ought to do honour to my king.
For my part, I admit that they are the victors if we accept from them the laws under which we live.”
[20] Callisthenes was heard with favourable ears “as a defender of the public liberty. He had forced, not only assent, but also words, especially of the older men, to whom the change of their long-standing [21] customs to those of strangers was distasteful. And the king was not unaware of anything that was said on one side and the other, since he was standing behind the curtains which he had caused to be spread round the couches. Therefore he sent word to Agis and Cleo to put an end to the discussion and to allow only the barbarians, when he entered, to prostrate themselves after their custom, and a little later, as if he had transacted some unusually important business, [22] he returned to the banquet. When the Persians paid reverence to him, Polypercon, who was reclining above the king, in mockery began to urge one of them, — who touched the ground with his chin, to strike it harder against the earth, and thus aroused the anger of Alexander, which he had already been [23] unable to contain. Accordingly he said: “You, then, — will not adore me? To you alone do we seem to be deserving of ridicule?” Polypercon replied that the king did not seem to deserve ridicule, nor he [24] himself contempt. Then the king dragged him from his couch, hurled him to the ground, and when he had fallen on his face, said: “Do you not see that you have done the same thing which a little while before you ridiculed in another?” And ordering that he should be put in prison, he broke up the banquet.
Polyperconti quidem postea custodito diu ignovit: in Callisthenen olim contumacia suspectum pervicacioris irae fuit. Cuius explendae matura ob- [p. 273] venit occasio. [2] Mos erat, ut supra dictum est, principibus Macedonum adultos liberos regibus tradere ad munia haud multum servilibus ministeriis abhorrentia. [3] Excubabant servatis noctium vicibus proximi foribus eius aedis, in qua rex adquiescebat. Per hos pelices introducebantur alio aditu, quam quem armati obsidebant. [4] Idem acceptos ab agasonibus equos, cum rex ascensurus esset, admovebant comitabanturque et venantem et in proeliis omnibus artibus studiorum liberalium exculti. [5] Praecipuus honor habebatur, quod licebat sedentibus vesci cum rege. Castigandi eos verberibus nullius potestas praeter ipsum erat. [6] Haec cоhors velut seminarium ducum praefectorumque apud Macedonas fuit: hinc habuere posteri reges, quorum stirpi post multas aetates Romani opes ademerunt. [7] Igitur Hermolaus, puer nobilis ex regia cohorte, cum aprum telo occupasset, quem rex ferire destinaverat, iussu eius verberibus adfectus est. Quam ignominiam aegre ferens deflere apud Sostratum coepit. [8] Ex eadem cohorte erat Sostratus, amore eius aniens: qui cum laceratum corpus, in quo deperibat, intueretur, forsitan olim ob aliam quoque causam regi infestus, iuvenem sua sponte iam motum data fide acceptaque perpulit, ut occidendi regem consilium secum iniret. [9] Nec puerili impetu rem executi sunt: quippe sollerter legerunt, quos in societatem sceleris adsciscerent. Nicostratum, Antipatrum Asclepiodorumque et Philotan placuit adsumi: per hos adiecti sunt Anticles et Aphthonius et Epimenes. [10] Ceterum agendae rei haud sane facilis [p. 274] petebat via: opus erat eadem omnis coniuratos nocte excubare, ne ab expertibus consilii inpedirentur, forte autem alius alia nocte excubabat. [11] Itaque in permutandis stationum vicibus ceteroque apparatu exequendae rei XXX et duo dies absumpti sunt. [12] Aderat nox, qua coniurati excubare debebant, mutua fide laeti, cuius documentum tot dies fuerant. Neminem metus spesve mutaverat: tanta omnibus vel in regem ira vel fides inter ipsos fuit. [13] Stabant igitur ad fores aedis eius, in qua rex vescebatur, [14] ut convivio egressum in cubiculum deducerent. Sed fortuna ipsius simulque epulantium comitas provexit omnes ad largius vinum: ludi etiam convivales extraxere tempus nunc laetantibus coniuratis, quod sopitum adgressuri essent, nunc sollicitis, ne in lucem convivium extraheret. [15] Quippe alios in stationem oportebat prima luce succedere ipsorum post septimum diem reditura vice, nec sperare poterant in illud tempus omnibus duraturam fidem. [16] Ceterum cum iam lux adpeteret, et convivium solvitur et coniurati exceperunt regem laeti occasionem exequendi sceleris admotam: cum mulier attonitae, ut creditum est, mentis conversari in regia solita, quia instinctu videbatur futura praedicere, non occurrit modo abeunti, sed etiam semet obiecit vultuque et oculis motum praeferens animi, ut rediret in convivium, monuit. [17] Et ille per a ludum, bene deos suadere, respondit revocatisque amicis in horam diei ferme secundam convivii tempus extraxit. [18] Iam alii ex cohorte in stationem successerant ante cubiculi fores excubituri, adhuc tamen coniurati stabant vice officii sui expleta: [19] adeo pertinax spes est, quam humanae mentes devoraverunt. Rex benignius [p. 275] quam alias adlocutus discedere eos ad curanda corpora, quoniam tota nocte perstitissent, iubet. Data singulis L sestertia, conlaudatique, quod etiam aliis tradita vice tamen excubare perseverassent. [20] Illi tanta spe destituti domos abeunt. Et ceteri quidem expectabant stationis suae noctem: Epimenes sive comitate regis, qua ipsum inter coniuratos exceperat, repente mutatus, sive quia coeptis deos obstare credebat, fratri suo Eurylocho, quem antea expertem esse consilii voluerat, quid pararetur, aperit. [21] Omnibus Philotae supplicium in oculis erat: itaque protinus inicit fratri manum et in regiam pervenit excitatisque custodibus corporis ad salutem regis pertinere, quae adferret, adfirmat. [22] Et tempus, quo venerant, et vultus haud sane securi animi index et maestitia e duobus alterius Ptolomaeum ac Leonnatum excubantes ad cubiculi limen excitaverunt. Itaque apertis foribus et lumine inlato sopitum mero аc somno excitant regem. Ille paulatim mente collecta, quid adferrent, interrogat. [23] Nec cunctatus Eurylochus non ex toto domum suam aversari deos dixit, quia frater ipsius, quam quam impium facinus ausus foret, tamen et paenitentiam eius ageret et per se potissimum profiteretur indicium: in eam ipsam noctem, quae decederet, insidias conparatas fuisse, auctores scelesti consilii esse, quos minime crederet rex. [24] Tum Epimenes cuncta ordine consciorumque nomina exponit. Callisthenen non ut participem facinoris nominatum esse constabat, sed solitum puerorum sermonibus [p. 276] vituperantium criminantiumque regem faciles aures praebere. [25] Quidam adiciunt, cum Hermolaus apud eum quoque verberatum se a rege quereretur, dixisse Callistbenen, meminisse debere eos iam viros esse: idque ad consolandam patientiam verberum an ad incitandum iuvenum dolorem dictum esset, in ambiguo fuisse. [26] Rex animi corporisque sopore discusso, cum tanti periculi, quo evaserat, imago oculis oberraret, Eurylochum L. talentis et cuiusdam Tiridatis opul
entis bonis protinus donat fratremque, [27] antequam pro salute eius precaretur, restituit, sceleris autem auctores interque eos Callisthenen vinctos adservari iubet. Quibus in regiam adductis toto die et nocte proxima mero ac vigiliis gratis adquievit. [28] Postero autem frequens consilium adhibuit, cui patres propinquique eorum, de quibus agebatur, intererant, ne de sua quidem salute securi: quippe Macedonum more perire debebant omnium devotis capitibus, [29] qui sanguine contigissent reos. Rex introduci coniuratos praeter Callisthenen iussit: [30] atque, quae agitaverant, sine cunctatione confessi sunt. Increpantibus deinde universis eos ipse rex. quo suo merito tantum in semet cogitassent facinus, interrogat.
VI. Polypercon, indeed, he pardoned after he had been held in custody for a long time; against Callisthenes, who had formerly been suspected because of insubordination, his anger was more persistent. For [2] satisfying this an opportunity soon arose. It was the custom, as was said before, for the leading men of the Macedonians to entrust their sons to the king on their coming of age for duties not very different from [3] the services of slaves. They kept watch at night in turn close to the doors of the room in which the king slept. By these youths concubines were brought in by a different entrance from that before which the [4] armed guards were posted. They also received the horses from the grooms, brought them to the reigning king when he was about to mount, and accompanied him in the chase and in battle, besides being thoroughly trained in all the accomplishments of [5] liberal studies. The special honour was paid them of being allowed to sit at table with the king. No one had the power of chastising them by flogging [6] except the king himself. This troupe among the Macedonians was a kind of training-school for generals and governors of provinces; from these also their posterity had the kings from whose stock after many ages the Romans took away all power.
[7] So then, Hermolaus, a high-born boy belonging to this royal band, because he had been first to attack a wild boar which the king had intended to strike, by his order was punished by scourging. Being indignant at this disgrace, he began to complain about it to Sostratus. Sostratus was a member of the same troupe and an ardent lover of Hermolaiis; when he saw the lacerated body of which he was enamoured, perhaps being already angered with the king for some other reason also, he induced Hermolaiis, who was already incensed on his own account, to give and receive a pledge to join with him in forming [9] a plot to kill the king. And they did not execute the plan with youthful impetuosity; for they chose with care those whom they would admit as associates in the intended crime. They decided to include Nicostratus, Antipater, Asclepiodorus and Philotas; through these there were added Anticles and Aphthnius and Epimenes. But for carrying out the plan no easy road at all lay open; for it was necessary that all the conspirators should be on guard the same night, in order not to be interfered with by those who were not in the plot, but it happened that they [11] were on watch on different nights. Therefore in changing the order of guard-duty, and in other preparations for carrying out their design, thirty-two days were spent.
[12] The night had come on which the conspirators were due to be on guard, rejoicing in their common fidelity, of which the lapse of so many days had been a proof. Not one had hope or fear changed; so great among all was either their anger against the king or their [13] loyalty to one another. They were standing, then, at the door of the room in which the king was dining, in order to escort him to his bedchamber when he [14] had left the table. But his own good fortune, as well as the good company of the diners, led all to be lavish with their wine; games at the banquet also extended the time, while the conspirators now rejoiced because they would attack him when sleepy, and now were anxious lest he should prolong the feast [15] until daylight. For others were due to take their places as guards at dawn, and their turn would not come again until after seven days, and they could not hope that the fidelity of all would endure until [16] that time. But when daylight was already at hand, the banquet came to an end and the conspirators received the king, rejoicing that the opportunity was offered for committing their crime, when a woman, of unsound mind, as it was thought, who was accustomed to haunt the royal quarters because she seemed by inspiration to foretell the future, not only met the king as he came out, but put herself in his way, and showing disturbance of mind in her face and eyes, warned him to return to the banquet.
[17] He jestingly replied that the gods gave good advice, and recalling his friends, extended the time of the entertainment until nearly the second hour of the day.
[18] Now the others of the troupe had taken over their posts, to watch before the door of the king’s bedchamber, yet the conspirators remained there, although their turn of duty was completed; so persistent is a hope which human minds have eagerly [19] conceived. The king, addressing them more kindly than usual, bade them go and rest themselves, since they had stood watch all night. He gave each man fifty sestertia and praised them because even after their turn had passed to others they had continued [20] on guard. And they, deprived of their great hope, went to their homes. The others for their part waited for the night of their guard-duty; Epimenes, either because of the affability with which the king had received him along with the other conspirators, or because he believed that the gods opposed their design, had a sudden change of heart and disclosed the plan to his brother Eurylochus, whom before [21] he had wished to have no part in the plot. All had the torture of Philotas before their eyes, and so Eurylochus at once took his brother by the hand and came into the royal quarters, then having aroused the body-guard, he declared that what he had to say [22] concerned the king’s life. Both the time at which he had come and the anxious expression of both brothers, betraying surely a troubled mind, as well as the sadness of one of them, alarmed Ptolemy and Leonnatus, who were on watch at the door of the king’s bedchamber. Therefore opening the doors and bringing in a light, they awoke the king whom wine had buried in deep sleep. He gradually collected his thoughts and asked them what they had to [23] say. Without delay Eurylochus said that the gods had not entirely turned against their family, since his brother, although he had dared an impious crime, yet repented of it and through himself rather than anyone else would reveal it; that the conspiracy had been planned for that very night which was passing, the ringleaders of the abominable design were those [24] whom the king would least suspect. Then Epimenes explained everything in order and gave the names of the participants. It is certain that Callisthenes was not named as taking part in the plot, but it was said that he was accustomed to lend ready ears to the boys when they abused the king and criticized [25] his conduct. Some add that when Hermolaus complained to him also that he had been flogged, Callisthenes had said that they ought to remember that they were now men; but whether that was said to console him for suffering lashes, or to excite the resentment of the youths, was uncertain.
The king, awakened in mind and body, when he pictured the great danger which he had escaped, at once gave Eurylochus fifty talents and the rich estate of a certain Tiridates and restored his brother to him [27] even before he begged for his life, but the authors of the crime, and among them Callisthenes, he ordered to be kept in fetters. When these had been brought into the royal quarters, since he was wearied by wine and loss of sleep he rested all day and the following [28] night. But on the next day he called a general assembly, at which the fathers and relatives of those concerned were present, who were not without anxiety even for their own lives, for according to the law of the Macedonians they were doomed to die, since the lives of all were forfeit who were related by [29] blood to the guilty parties. The king ordered the conspirators except Callisthenes to be brought in, and without hesitation they confessed what they had [30] planned. Then, when all cried out against them, the king himself asked what he had done to deserve the plotting of such a crime against him.
Stupentibus ceteris Hermolaus: ‘Nos vero,’ inquit, ‘quoniam, quasi nescias, quaeris, occidendi te consilium iniimus, quia non ut ingenuis imperare coepisti, [2] sed quasi in mancipia dominari.’ Primus ex omnibus pa
ter ipsius Sopolis parricidam etiam parentis sui clamitans esse consurgit et ad os manu obiecta scelere et malis insanientem [p. 277] ultra negat audiendum. [3] Rex inhibito patre dicere Hermolaum iubet, quae ex magistro didicisset Callisthene. Et Hermolaus: ‘Utor,’ inquit, ‘beneficio tuo et dico, quae nostris malis didici. [4] Quota pars Macedonum saevitiae tuae superest? quotus quidem non e vilissimo sanguine? Attalus et Philotas et Parmenio et Lyncestes Alexander et Clitus, quantum ad hostes pertinet, vivunt, stant in acie et clipeis suis te protegunt et pro gloria tua, pro victoria vulnera excipiunt. [5] Quibus tu egregiam gratiam rettulisti: alius mensam tuam sanguine suo adspersit, alius ne simplici quidem morte defunctus est. Duces exercituum tuorum in eculeum inpositi Persis, quos vicerant, fuere spectaculo. Parmenio indicta causa trucidatus est, per quem Attalum occideras. [6] Invicem enim miserorum uteris manibus ad expetenda supplicia et, quos paulo ante ministros caedis habuisti, [7] subito ab aliis iubes trucidari.’ Obstrepunt subinde cuncti Hermolao, pater super eum strinxerat ferrum percussurus haud dubie, ni inhibitus esset a rege: quippe Hermolaum dicere iussit petiitque, ut causas supplicii augentem patienter audirent. [8] Aegre ergo coercitis rursus Hermolaus: ‘Quam liberaliter,’ inquit, ‘pueris rudibus ad dicendum agere permittis! at Callisthenis vox carcere inclusa est, quia solus potest [p. 278] [9] dicere. Cur еnim non producitur, cum etiam confessi audiuntur? nempe quia liberam vocem innocentis audire metuis ac ne vultum quidem pateris. [10] Atqui nihil eum fecisse contendo. Sunt hic, qui mecum rem pulcherrimam cogitaverunt: nemo est, qui conscium fuisse nobis Callisthenen dicat, cum morti olim destinatus sit a iustissimo et patientissimo rege. [11] Haec ergo sunt Macedonum praemia, quorum ut supervacuo et sordido abuteris sanguine! At tibi XXX milia mulorum captivum aurum vehunt, cum milites nihil domum praeter gratuitas cicatrices relaturi sint. Quae tamen omnia tolerare potuimus, antequam nos barbaris dederes et novo more victores sub iugum mitteres. [12] Persarum te vestis et disciplina delectant, patrios mores exosus es. [13] Persarum ergo, non Macedonum regem occidere voluimus et te transfugam belli iure persequimur. Tu Macedonas voluisti genua tibi ponere venerarique te ut deum, tu Philippum patrem aversaris et, si quis deorum ante Iovem haberetur, fastidires etiam Iovem. [14] Miraris, si liberi homines superbiam tuam ferre non possumus? Quid speramus ex te, quibus aut insontibus moriendum est aut, quod tristius morte est, in Servitute vivendum ? [15] Tu quidem, si emendari potes, multum mihi debes. Ex me enim scire coepisti, quid ingenui homines ferre non possint. De cetero propinquorum orbam senectutem suppliciis ne oneraveris: nos iube duci ut, quod [p. 279] ex tua morte petieramus, consequamur ex nostra.’ Haec Hermolaus.
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