III. Who would have believed that an assemblage recently so savage was paralysed by sudden fear, even when they saw those who had dared nothing more serious than the rest dragged off to punishment?....
[3]Whether veneration for the mere name, since nations which live under kings honour their kings among the gods, or a particular veneration for Alexander himself, or the confidence with which he exercised his authority with such force, struck them all with4 terror; at any rate, they showed a remarkable instance of patience, and were so far from being exasperated by the execution of their fellow-soldiers when towards nightfall they learned that they had been put to death, that there was nothing that they left undone to make each man act with more obedience and loyalty. For on the following day, when they had been refused access to the king, and only Asiatic soldiers were admitted, they uttered mournful cries throughout the whole camp, declaring that they wished to die forthwith if the king persisted in being angry. But he, determined to carryout everything upon which he had resolved, ordered an assembly of the foreign troops to be called, while the Macedonians were kept within their camp, and when the foreign troops had come together in great numbers, he summoned an interpreter and addressed them as follows: [7] “When I was crossing from Europe into Asia, I hoped that I should add many famous nations and a great force of men to my kingdom. And I was not deceived in believing what was reported about them [8] But to that report this also is added, that I behold brave men of invincible loyalty towards their kings.
[9] I had supposed that luxury prevailed everywhere, and that by excess of good fortune you were plunged into pleasures; but, by Heaven! you endure with equal indefatigability, such is that strength of yours of both mind and body, the duties of military service, and while you are brave men, you cultivate loyalty [10] no less than courage. This, it is true, I now declare for the first time, but have long known it therefore I have both made a selection from the men of military age among you, and have incorporated them with my soldiers. You have the same equipment, the same arms; but in obedience and submission to discipline you are far superior to the rest.
[11] “It is for this reason that I myself united in marriage with me Roxanê, daughter of the Persian Oxyartes, not disdaining to rear children from a [12] captive. Then later, when I desired to propagate the stock of my race more extensively, I took to wife a daughter of Darius and set the example to my nearest friends of begetting children from captives, in order that by this sacred alliance I might abolish all distinction between vanquished and victor.
[13] Therefore believe that in my eyes you are soldiers of OUT blood, not brought in from outside. Asia and Europe now belong to one and the same kingdom; I give you the arms of the Macedonians, I have made you old soldiers instead of new and foreign ones; you are both my citizens and my [14] soldiers. All things take on the same colour; it is neither unbecoming for the Persians to simulate the manners of the Macedonians, nor for the Macedonians to copy those of the Persians. Those ought to have the same rights who are to live under the same sovereign.” After having made this address, Alexander entrusted to Persians the guardianship of his person, made his attendants Persians, his servants Persians. When the Macedonians who mere leaders in this mutiny mere being led by these in bonds to execution, they say that one of them, a man of weight in authority and in years, spoke as follows to the king:
et aetate gravent ad regem ita locutum ferunt: ‘Quousque,’ inquit, ‘animo tuo etiam per supplicia et quidem externi moris obsequeris? Milites tui, cives tui incognita causa et captivis suis ducentibus trahuntur ad poenam. Si mortem meruisse iudicas, saltem ministros supplicii muta.’ Amico animo, [2] si veri patiens fuisset, admonebatur, sed in rabiem ira pervenerat. Itaque rursus — nam parumper, quibus imperatum erat, dubitaverant — [3] mergi in amnem, sicut vincti erant, iussit. Ne hoc quidem supplicium seditionem militum movit. Namque copiarum duces atque amicos eius manipuli adeunt petentes, ut, si quos adhuc pristina noxa iudicaret esse contactos, iuberet interfici. Offerre se corpora irae: trucidaret. Tandem prae dolore vix mentis compotes universi concurrunt ad regiam armisque ante fores proiectis tunicati astantes, ut nuda et obnoxia poenis corpora admitterentur, fientes orabant. Non se deprecari, quin suppliciis sontium expiarentur, quae per contumaciam deliquissent. Regis iracundiam sibi morte tristiorem esse. Cumque dies noctesque ante regiam persistentes miserabili clamore habituque paenitentiam suam adprobarent, biduum tamen adversus humillimas suorum preces iracundia regis duravit. Tertio die victus constantia supplicum processit incusataque leniter exercitus inmodestia non sine multis utrimque lacrimis in gratiam se cum ipsis redire professus est. Digna tamen res visa [p. 364] est, quae maioribus hostiis expiaretur. Itaque sacrificio magnifice perpetrate Macedonum simul Persarumque primores invitavit ad epulas. Novem milia eo convivio excepisse proditum est memoriae eosque omnes invitante rege ex eadem creterra libatisse, Graecis barbarisque vatibus cum alia fausta vota praceuntibus, tum inprimis, ut utriusque imperii societas in idem corpus coalita perpetua esset. Maturata deinde est missio, et infirmissimus quisque exauctorati. Amicorum quoque seniorum quibusdam commeatum dedit. Ex quibus Clitus cognomine Albus Gorgiasque et Polydamas et Antigenes fuere. Abeuntibus non modo praeteriti temporis stipendia cum fide persolvit, verum etiam talentum adiecit in singulos milites viatici nomine. Filios ex Asiaticis uxoribus susceptos — ad decen milia fuisse traduntur — apud se relinqui iussit, ne in Macedoniam cum parentibus transgressi et coniugibus liberisque prioribus permixti familias contentionibus et discordiis inplerent: sibi curae fore pollicitus, ut patrio more instituti militiae artes edocerentur. Ita plus decem milia veteranorum dimissa sunt, additusque est, qui eos deduceret, Craterus, ex praecipuis regis amicis. Cui si quid humani accidisset, Polyperconti parere iussi sunt. Litteris etiam ad Antipatrum scriptis honorem emeritis haberi iussit, ut, quotiens ludi atque certamina ederentur, in primis ordinibus coronati spectarent, utque fato functorum liberi inpuberes in paterna stipendia succederent. Craterum Macedoniae finitimisque regionibus cum imperio praeesse placuit, Antipatrum autem cum supplemento iuniorum Macedonum ad regem venire. Verebatur enim, ne per discordiam praefecti cum Olympiade gravis aliqua clades acciperetur. Nam multas ad Alexandrum epistulas mater, multas Antipater miserat, vicissimque alter alterum adroganter et acerbe pleraque facere criminabantur, quae ad dedecus aut detrimentum regiae maiestatis pertinerent. Postquam enim rumor occisi regis temere vulgatus in Macedoniam manavit, mater eius sororque Cleopatra [p. 365] tumultum moverant, et haec quidem patenum regnum, Olympias Epirum occupaverat. Forte, dum eiusmodi litterae redduntur, Hephaestion, qui omnium arcanorum particeps haberetur, resignatas ah Alexandro simul inspiciebat. Neque retinuit eum rex, sed detractum digito anulum ori legentis admovit, nihil eorum, quae perscripta essent, in alios efferendum significans. Incusasse autem ambos fertur et matris insolentia permotus exclamasse, eam pro habitatione decem mensium, quam in utero sibi praebuisset, gravem mercedem exigere, Antipatrum vero suspectum habuisse parta ex Spartanis victoria tollere animos et imperio tot iam annos prorogatо supra praefecti modum esse elatum. Itaque cum eius gravitas atque integritas a quibusdam praedicaretur, respondit exterius quidem album videri, sed si penitus introspiceretur, Mum esse purpureum. Pressit tamen suspicionem suam neque ullum manifestius abalienati animi indicium protulit. Credidere tamen plerique Antipatrum arcessi se supplicii causa ratum inpiis insidiis mortis regis, quae paulo post secuta est, auctorem extitisse. Interea rex, ut inminuti exercitus detrimenta sarciret, optimum quemque Persarum in Macedonicos ordines adlegit: mille etiam praestantissimos segregavit ad corporis custodiam: aliam hastatorum manum, haud pauciores decem milibus, ad regium tabernaculum excubias agere iussit. Haec agenti Peucestes supervenit cum viginti milibus sagittariorum funditorumque, quos ex sua provincia coegerat. His per exercitum distributis profectus est Susis et Pasitigri amne traiecto apud Caras castra metatus est. Inde quadriduo per Sittacenen ductis copiis Sambana processit ibique per septem dies substitit. Tridui deinde itinere emenso Celonas perventum est. Oppidum hoc tenent Boeotia profecti, quos Xerxes ex
sedibus suis excitos in Orientem transtulit: servabantque argumentum originis peculiarem sermonem ex Graecis plerumque vocibus constantem, ceterum propter commercii necessitatem finitimorum barbarorum lingua utebantur. [p. 366] Inde Bagistanen ingressus est, regionem opulentam et abundantem arborum amoeno et fecundo fetu ceterisque ad vitae non usum modo, verum etiam delectationem pertinentibus. Gravis inter haec Eumeni cum Hephaestione simultas inciderat. Nam servos Eumenis e deversorio, quod pro domino suo occupaverant, Hephaestio proturbavit, ut Euius tibicen eo reciperetur. Neque multo post, cum iam sopita odia viderentur, nova orta contentione adeo recruducrunt, ut etiam in atrox iurgium et acerba utrimque convicia prorumperent. Sed Alexandri intercessione imperioque inimicitiae saltem in speciem abolitae sunt, cum ille Hephaestioni etiam minatus esset, qui in summa regis gratia Eumenem quamvis cupidum reconciliationis pertinacius aversabatur. Perventum deinde est in Mediae campos, ubi maximi equorum greges alebantur: Nisaeos appellant, magnitudine et specie insignes. Plus quinquaginta milia ibi reperta esse cum Alexander eo transiret, a comitibus eius adnotatum est: olim triplicem numerum fuisse, sed inter bellorum turbas maximam eorum partem praedones abegisse. Ad triginta dies ibi substitit rex. Eo Atropates, Mediae satrapes, centum barbaras mulieres adduxit equitandi peritas peltisque et securibus armalas: unde quidam crediderunt Amazonum ex gente reliquias fuisse. Septimis deinde castris Ecbatana, Mediae caput, pervenit. Ibi sollemnia dis sacrificia fecit ludosque edidit et conviviis festisque diebus laxavit animum, ut ad nova opera validior esset. Sed ista volventem velut iniecta manu fatum alio traxit vitamque carissimo amicorum eius neque multo post ipsi quoque regi eripuit. Pueros in stadio certantes spectabat, cum nuntiatum est deficere Hephaestionem, qui ex crapula septimum iam diem aeger cubabat. Exterritus amici periculo statim surrexit et ad hospitium eius celeriter se contulit. Neque tamen prius eo pervenit, quam illum mors occupavit. Id regi omnium, quae in vita pertulerat, adversorum luctuosissimum accidisse certum habetur eumque magnitudine [p. 367] dosoris in lacrimas et lamenta victum multa animi de gradu deiecti argumenta edidisse. Sed ea quidem varie traduntur: illud inter omnes constat, Alexandrum, ut quam decentissimas exequias ei duceret, noluisse Ecbatanis eum sepeliri, sed Babylonem, quo ipse profecturus esset, a Perdicca deferri: ibique funus inaudito exemplo duodecim milibus talentum locavisse. Per Universum certe imperium lugeri eum iussit et, ne memoria eius in exercitu exolesceret, equitibus, quibus praefuerat, nullum praefecit ducem, sed Hephaestionis alam appellari voluit et, quae ille signa instituisset, ea non inmutari. Funebria certamina ludosque, quales numquam editi fuissent, meditatus tria milia artificum coegit: qui non multo post in ipsius exequiis certasse traduntur. Nee amici tam effuso adfectu ad conciliandam eius gratiam segniter usi certatim repperere, per quae memoria defuncti clarior honoratiorque fieret. Eumenes igitur cum se ob simultatem cum Hephaestione in regis indignationem incurrisse sensisset, multis auctor fuit seque et arma sua Hephaestioni consecrandi pecuniasque ad cohonestandum funus large contulit. Hoc exemplum imitati sunt ceteri: eoque processit adsentantium inpudentia, ut regi maerore et desiderio defuncti insanienti persuasum tandem sit, deum esse Hephaestionem. Quo quidem tempore ex copiarum ducibus Agathocles Samius in extremum periculum venit, quod eius tumulum praeteriens inlacrimasse visus est. Ac nisi Perdiccas venanti sibi Hephaestionem adparuisse ementitus per deos omnes ipsumque Hephaestionem deierasset, ex ipso se cognovisse, Agathoclem non ut mortuum et vanae divinitatis titulis frustra ornatum flevisse, verum propter memoriam pristinae sodalitatis lacrimas non tenuisse, vir fortis et de rege bene meritus pietatis in amicum graves poenas innoxius pependisset. Ceterum ut paulisper a luctu avocaret animum, in Cossaeorum terram expeditionem suscepit. luga Mediae vicina Cossaei tenent, aspera et bellicosa et rapto vivere [p. 368] assueta gens. Ab his Persarum reges annuo tributo pacem redimere solebant, ne in subiectam terram decurrentes latrociniis regionem facerent infestant. Nam vim temptantes Persas facile reppulerant asperitate locorum defensi, in quae se recipiebant, quotiens armis superati erant. Idem muneribus quotannis placabantur, ut regi Ecbatanis, ubi aestiva solebat agere, Babylonem remigranti tutus per ea loca transitus esset. Hos igitur Alexander bipartito agmine adgressus intra quadraginta dies perdomuit. Nam ab ipso rege et Ptolomaeo, qui partem exercitus ducebat, saepe victi, ut captivos suos reciperent, permisere se victori. Ille validas urbes opportunis locis condi iussit, ne abducto exercitu fera gens iugum exueret. Motis inde castris, ut militent expeditione recenti fessum reficeret, lento agmine Babylonem processit. Iamque vix triginta ab urbe stadia aberat, cum Nearchus occurrit, quem per Oceanum et Euphratis ostia Babylonem praemiserat, oravitque, ne fatalem sibi urbem vellet ingredi. Conpertum id sibi ex Chaldaeis, qui multarum iam praedictionum eventu artis suae fidem abunde probavissent. Rex fama eorum hominum constantique adseveratione motus dimissis in urbem amicorum plerisque alia via praeter Babylonem ducit ac ducenta inde stadia stativa conlocat. Sed ab Anaxarcho philosophe edoctus contemptis Chaldaeorum monitis, quorum disciplinam inanem aut supervacuam arbitrabatur, urbem intrat. Legationes eo ex universo ferme orbe confluxerant. Quibus per conplures dies studiose auditis deinceps ad Hephaestionis exequias animum advertit. Quae summo omnium studio ita celebratae sunt, ut nullius ad id tempus regis feralia magnitudine sumptuum apparatusque celebritate non vicerint. Post haec cupido incessit regi per Pallacopam amnem ad Arabum confinia navigandi: quo delatus urbi condendae commoda sede reperta Graecorum aetate aut vulneribus invalidos et, si qui sua sponte remanserant, ibi conlocat. Quibus ex sententia perfectis iam futuri securus [p. 369] Chaldaeos inridebat, quod Babylonem non ingressus tantum esset incolumis, verum etiam excessisset. Verum enimvero revertenti per paludes, quas Euphrates in Pallacopam effusus efficit, foedum omen oblatum est. Quippe rami desuper inpendentes detractum capiti regis diadema proiecerunt in fluctus. Cum deinde alia atque alia prodigia nuntiarentur, procurandis eis Graeco simul barbaroque ritu continua sacra facta sunt. Neque tamen expiari nisi morte regis potuere. Qui cum Nearchum excepisset convivio iamque cubitum iturus esset, Medii Larisaci obnixis precibus dedit, ut ad eum comissatum veniret. Ubi postquam tota node perpotavit, male habere coepit. Ingravescens deinde morbus adeo omnes vires intra sextum diem exhausit, ut ne vocis quidem potestas esset. Interea milites sollicitudine desiderioque eius anxii, quamvis admonentibus ducibus, ne valitudinem regis onerarent, expresserunt, ut in conspectum eius admitterentur.
IV. “How long will you gratify your mind even with punishments, and those too of a foreign kind? Your soldiers, your citizens, without a trial and led by their captives, are dragged off to death. If it is your judgement that we deserve death, at least [2] change those who inflict the penalty.” The king was admonished in a friendly spirit, if he had been willing to listen to the truth, but his wrath had changed to madness. Therefore he ordered again — for those to whom the order had been given had hesitated — that the mutineers be drowned in the river, bound as [3] they were. Not even such a punishment as this roused mutiny among the soldiers. On the contrary, the companies went to the leaders of the forces and to the king’s friends, asking that if he judged that there were any besides who were stained with the same guilt, he should order them to be put to death; that they offered their bodies to his anger; let him slaughter them. At last, almost beside themselves with grief, they ran to the royal quarters in a body, and throw-in down their arms before the doors and standing in their tunics, begged with tears that their bodies, unarmed and submissive to punishment, might be admitted. That they did not refuse by the punishment of the guilty to expiate the faults that they had committed through insubordination. That the anger of the king was to them more terrible than death. —
But although, continuing to stand day and night before the royal quarters, they manifested their repentance by pitiful outcries and attire, yet the king’s wrath held out for two days against his men’s most abject prayers On the third day, overcome by their constant entreaties he came out, and after mildly censuring the lack of discipline of the army, declared, not without the shedding of many tears by both sides, that he was reconciled with them. Nev
ertheless the event seemed to call for expiation by greater victims. Accordingly, after offering a splendid sacrifice, he invited the chief men of the Macedonians and at the same time those of the Persians to a feast. It is reported that he entertained 9000 men at that banquet, and that they all, at the king’s invitation, made libation from the same bowl, while the priests of the Greeks and of the barbarians dictated not only other propitious prayers but especially that a union of the two kingdoms should be consolidated for all time in the same body. Then the discharge was hastened, and all the weakest soldiers were mustered out. He also granted a furlough to some of his friends of greater age. Among these were Clitus, surnamed Albus, Gorgias, Polydamas, and Antigenes. To those who left he not only faithfully gave pay for their past services, but also added a talent to each soldier for travelling expenses.
He save orders that the sons whom they had begotten from Asiatic wives-they are said 10000 — should be left with him, for fear that if they returned to Macedonia with their fathers and the former wives and children of these, they might fill families with strife and discord; he promised that he would take care that the children should be trained in the customs of their country and taught the principles of military service. So, more than 10,000 veterans were discharged and Craterus, one of the kings special friends, was appointed to lead them. If anything to which is liable should befall him, they were ordered to obey Polypercon. A letter was also written to Antipater with orders that honour should be paid to the veterans, so that whenever games and athletic contests were celebrated, they should witness them from the first rows of seats and with garlands on their heads, and that the ungrown children of those who should have died should inherit their fathers’ pay. He appointed Craterus governor of Macedonia and the adjacent districts, but gave orders that Antipater should come to the king with a reinforcement of younger Macedonians For that through the discord between the governor and Olympias some grave calamity might be suffered his mother had sent many letters to Alexander and Antipater many, in which they charged each numerous arrogant and hostile acts which tended to the disgrace or the impairment of the royal majesty, after the rumour of the king’s death falsely spread abroad, had seeped into mother and his sister Cleopatra had set on foot a revolution, and his sister had taken possession of her father’s kingdom, and Olympias, of Epirus.
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