Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

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by Quintus Curtius Rufus


  V. As they gazed at him, their rising tears gave the impression no longer of an army looking upon its [2] king, but of one attending his funeral; yet the grief of those who stood about his couch was still greater. When the king saw them he said: “After I am gone [3] will you find a king worthy of such men?” Incredible to tell and to hear of, he continued to hold his body in the same attitude in which he had composed himself when he was about to admit the soldiers, until he had been saluted by the whole army for that last time. And having dismissed the common throng, as if he had discharged every debt to life, he threw [4] back his exhausted frame, and after bidding his friends to seat themselves — for his voice too had already begun to give out — he drew his ring from his finger and handed it to Perdiccas, adding instructions that they should order his body to be taken to Ammon.

  [5] When they asked to whom he left his kingdom, he replied, to him who was the best man, but that he already foresaw that because of that contest great [6] funeral games were in preparation for him. Again, when Perdiccas asked when he wished divine honours to be paid to him, he said that he wished it at the time when they themselves were happy. These were the king’s last words, and shortly afterwards he died.

  [7] And at first the whole royal quarters rang with wailing, lamentation, and beating of breasts; presently, as if in a desert waste, everything was mute and torpid, since grief was changed to thoughts of [8] what would happen next. The high-born boys who were his regular body-guard could neither contain the greatness of their grief nor keep themselves within the vestibule of the royal quarters. Wandering about and as if crazed, they had filled that city, great as it was, with grief and sorrow, omitting no plaints which sorrow suggests in such a disaster; [9] therefore those who had stood without the royal quarters, Macedonians and foreigners alike, rushed together. And in their common sorrow the vanquished could not be distinguished from the victors; the Persians, calling upon a most just and mild lord, the Macedonians upon the best and bravest of kings, exhibited, as it were, a contest in mourning.

  [10] And not only words of sorrow were heard, but also of indignation, that through the envy of the gods a man so vigorous and in the flower of his youth and his fortune had been torn from mankind. His vigour and his aspect as he led his soldiers to battle, besieged cities, scaled walls, and rewarded brave men before the assembled army, were before their minds eye.

  [11] Then the Macedonians repented of having denied him divine honours, and they confessed that they had been impious and ungrateful in having cheated his ears of the title due him. And after they had continued for a long time, now in veneration, now in longing for the king, their pity was diverted to themselves.

  [12] Having left Macedonia, they saw themselves abandoned beyond the Euphrates and in the midst of foes dissatisfied with the new rule; without a sure heir to their king, without an heir to the throne, each man would be trying to draw the public forces into his own power.

  [13] Then they foresaw the civil wars that followed. Again they would have to pour out their blood, old scars must be broken by new wounds; not to gain the rule of Asia, but to appoint a king to reign [14] over themselves. Aged and infirm, they who had recently asked their discharge from a legitimate king would now die perhaps in defence of the power of [15] some obscure subordinate. As they were turning over such thoughts in their minds, night came on and increased their alarm. The soldiers kept vigil under arms, the Babylonians, some from the walls, others from the roof of their own houses, were each looking out as if to get more certain information.

  [16] And none dared to light their lamps, but because they could not use their eyes, they caught with their ears the noise and outcries, and often terrified by unfounded fear, they ran through the dark streets, and as they met one another were in turn suspected and apprehensive.

  [17] The Persians, having shaved their hair according to custom, in mourning garb with their wives and children grieved for the king, not as their conqueror and recently their enemy, but with genuine longing as their own nation’s most just ruler, and used as they were to live under a king, they confessed that none other had been more worthy to rule them.

  [18] And their grief was not confined within the walls of the city, but the report of so great a disaster had spread through the region nearest to Babylon and then through a great part of Asia on the hither side [19] of the Euphrates. The news was quickly brought also to the mother of Darius; she, rending the garments which she wore, put on mourning garb and, tearing her hair, threw herself on the ground.

  [20] Beside her sat one of her granddaughters, mourning for the recent loss of Hephaestion, whom she had married, and in the general sorrow was renewing her [21] own reasons for grief. But Sisigambis alone felt the misfortune that had befallen all her family; she wept for her own loss and for that of her granddaughters. This recent grief too had revived the sorrows of the past. You might think that she had just lost Darius, and that the unhappy woman had to perform the funeral rites of two sons; she wept at [22] once for the dead and for the living. For who would have a care for her girls? Who would be a second Alexander? Again they were taken prisoner, again they had lost royal rank. After the death of Darius they had found someone to protect them, but after Alexander they assuredly would find none to do so.

  [23] Amid these thoughts it entered her mind that her eighty brothers had been killed on one and the same day by Ochus, most savage of kings, and that their father had been added to the slaughter of so many sons, and that of the seven children that she herself had borne only one was left. Even Darius had flourished for a time, only that he might meet a more 21 cruel death. At last she gave way to grief and veiling her head and turning away from her granddaughter and her grandson, who fell at her knees, she at the same time abstained from food and shunned the light of day. The fifth day after she [25] had resolved to die, she passed away. Surely her death is a strong testimony to Alexander’s indulgence towards her and to his just treatment of all the captives; for she who had had the fortitude to live after Darius was ashamed to survive Alexander.

  [26] And, by Heaven! to those who judge the king fairly it is clear that his good qualities were natural, [27] his faults due to his fortune or to his youth. He possessed incredible strength of mind, an endurance of toil which was almost excessive, a courage excelling not only among kings but among those whose sole [28] merit it is, a generosity that often bestowed greater gifts than are asked of gods in prayer, clemency towards the vanquished, shown either by returning so many kingdoms to those from whom he had taken [29] them in war or by giving them as gifts, a constant contempt of death, the fear of which appals the rest of mankind, a desire for glory and renown which, although it was greater than was proper, yet was to be overlooked in a young man who had done such [30] glorious deeds; also his devotion to his parents, of whom he had decided to consecrate Olympias among [31] the immortals and had avenged Philip, his kindness to almost all his friends, his goodwill to his soldiers, [32] his wisdom equal to the greatness of his spirit, and a keenness of judgement of which one of his years could hardly have been capable, a restraint of immoderate desires, the indulgence of passion only within natural requirements, and to have enjoyed no pleasures except such as were lawful, were certainly gifts of his own nature.

  [33] The following qualities were attributable to his fortune: to equal himself with the gods and to aspire to divine honours, to trust to oracles which advised such conduct, and to be more angry than was fitting with those who refused to venerate him, to change his attire to that of foreign nations, to imitate those customs of the conquered races which he had scorned [34] before his victory. As for his hot temper and his love of wine, just as these were intensified by youth, [35] greater age might have moderated them. Yet it must be confessed that although he owed much to his own merit, yet he owed still more to Fortune, over whom he alone of all mortals had control. often did she save him from death! How often, when rashness brought him into danger, did she protect [36] him by perpetual good luck! She like
wise fixed the same end for his life and for his glory; the Fates waited for him until, having thoroughly subdued the Orient, and having reached the Ocean, he fulfilled every task of which mortality was capable.

  [37] This was the king and leader for whom a successor was sought, but the burden was too great for the shoulders of one man; hence even his name and the fame of his exploits spread kings and kingdoms throughout almost the whole world, and those were considered most glorious who had retained even the least part of so great a fortune. —

  Ceterum Babylone — inde enim devertit oratio — corporis eius custodes in regiam principes amicorum ducesque cupiarum advocavere. Secuta est militum turba cupientium scire, in quem Alexandri fortuna esset trans itura. [2] Multi duces frequentia militum exclusi regiam intrare non poterant, cum praeco exceptis, qui nominatim citarentur, adire prohiberet. [3] Sed precarium spernebatur imperium. Ac primum eiulatus ingens ploratusque renovatus est, deinde futuri expectatio inhibitis lacrimis silentium fecit. [4] Tunc Perdicca regia sella in conspectum volgi data, in qua diadema vestisque Alexandri cum armis erant, anulum sibi pridie traditum a rege in eadem sede posuit. Quorum aspectu rursus obortae omnibus lacrimae integravere luctum, et Perdicca: [5] ‘Ego quidem,’ inquit, ‘anulum, quo ille regni atque imperii res obsignare erat solitus, [6] traditum ab ipso mihi reddo vobis. Ceterum quam- [p. 375] quam nulla clades huic, qua adfecti sumus, par ab iratis dis excogitari potest, tamen magnitudinem rerum, quas egit, intuentibus credere licet, tantum virum deos adcommodasse rebus humanis, quarum sorte conpleta cito repeterent eum suae stirpi. [7] Proinde quoniam nihil aliud ex eo superest, quam quod semper ab inmortalitate seducitur, corpori utique quam primum iusta solvamus haud obliti, in qua urbe, inter quos simus, quali praeside ac rege spoliati. [8] Tractandum est, commilitones, cogitandumque, ut victoriam partam inter hos, de quibus parta est, obtinere possimus. Capite opus est: hoc nominare in vestra potestate est. Illud scire debetis, militarem sine duce turbam corpus esse sine spiritu. [9] Sextus mensis est, ex quo Roxane praegnans est: optamus, ut marem enitatur, cuius regnum dis adprobantibus sit futurum, quandoque adoleverit. Interim a quibus regi velitis, destinate.’ Haec Perdicca. [10] Tum Nearchus Alexandri modo sanguinem ac stirpem regiae maiestati convenire, neminem ait posse infitiari, [11] ceterum expectari nondum ortum regem et, qui iam sit, praeteriri, nec animis Macedonum convenire nec tempori eorum. Esse e Barsine filium regis: [12] huic diadema dandum. Nulli placebat oratio: itaque suo more hastis scuta quatientes obstrepere persevera bant. Iamque prope ad seditionem pervenerant Nearcho pervicacius tuente sententiam, cum Ptolomaeus: [13] ‘Digna [p. 376] prorsus est suboles,’ inquit, ‘quae Macedonum imperet genti, Roxanes vel Barsines filius, cuius nomen quoque Europam discere pigebit maiore ex parte captivi! [14] Est, cur Persas vicerimus, ut stirpi eorum serviamus, quod iusti illi reges, Dareus et Xerxes, tot milium agminibus tantisque classibus nequiquam petiverunt? [15] Mea sententia haec est, ut sede Alexandri in regia posita, qui consiliis eius adhibebantur, coeant, quotiens in commune consulto opus fuerit, eoque, quod maior pars eorum decreverit, [16] stetur, duces praefectique cоpiarum his pareant.’ Ptolomaeo quidam, pauciores Perdiccae adsentiebantur. Tum Aristonus orsus est dicere, Alexandrum consultum, cui relinqueret regnum, voluisse optimum deligi: iudicatum autem ab ipso optimum Perdiccam, cui anulum tradidisset. [17] Neque enim unum eum adsedisse morienti, sed circumferentem oculos ex turba amicorum delegisse, cui traderet. Placere igitur, summam imperii ad Perdiccam deferri. [18] Nec dubitare, quin vera censeret. Itaque universi procedere in medium Perdiccam et regis anulum tollere iubebant. Haerebat inter cupiditatem pudoremque et, quo modestius, quod spectabat, adpeteret, pervicacius oblaturos esse credebat. [19] Itaque cunctatus diuque, quid ageret, incertus ad ultimum tamen recessit et post eos, qui sedi erant proximi, constitit. [20] At Meleager, unus e du- [p. 377] cibus, confirmato animo, quem Perdiccae cunctatio erexerat: ‘Nec di sierint,’ inquit, ‘ut Alexandri fortuna tantique regni fastigium in istos humeros ruat: homines certe non ferent. Nihil dico de nobilioribus, quam hic est, sed de viris tantum, quibus invitis nihil perpeti necesse est. [21] Nec vero interest, Roxanes filium, quandoque genitus erit, an Perdiccan regem habeatis, cum iste sub tutelae specie regnum occupaturus sit. Itaque nemo ei rex placet, nisi qui nondum natus est, et in tanta omnium festinatione non iusta modo, sed etiam necessaria exactos menses solus expectat et iam divinat marem esse conceptum. Quem vos dubitetis paratum esse vel subdere? [22] Si, me dius fidius, Alexander hunc nobis regem pro se reliquisset, id solum ex iis, quae imperasset, non faciendum esse censerem. [23] Quin igitur ad diripiendos thesauros discurritis? harum enim opum regiarum utique populus est heres.’ Haec elocutus per medios anmatos erupit, [24] et, qui abeunti viam dederant, ipsum ad pronuntiatam praedam sequebantur.

  VI. But in Babylon — for it was from there that made a digression — his body-guards called to the royal quarters the chief of the king’s friends and the leaders of his forces. A throng of soldiers followed, eager to know to whom the fortune of Alexander [2] would pass. Many generals, shut out by the great number of soldiers, had been unable to enter the royal quarters, since a herald forbade access except to those who had been summoned by name. But this order, [3] being of uncertain origin, was disregarded. And first of all the great wailing and lamentation was renewed, then expectation of what was coming checked their [4] tears and caused silence. Then Perdiccas, having put in view of the public the royal throne, on which were the diadem and the robe of Alexander together with his arms, placed on the same throne the ring which had been handed to him the day before by the king.

  At the sight of these the whole assembly again burst into tears and renewed the mourning, and [5] Perdiccas said: “For my part, I return to you the ring handed to me by the late king himself, with which he was wont to seal the documents pertaining to his [6] kingdom and his power. Furthermore, although no calamity equal to this which has befallen us can be devised by the angry gods, yet those who consider the greatness of what he accomplished may well believe that so great a man was merely loaned to mankind by the gods, in order that, when his allotted service to humanity was completed, they might quickly take [7] him back into their own family. Therefore, since nothing else is left of him except what is always separated from immortality, let us pay as soon as possible the rites due to his body at least, not forgetting in what city and among whom we are, and of what a chief and what a king we have been [8] despoiled. We must therefore, fellow-soldiers, give attention and consider how we may secure the victory which he has won among those from whom it was won. We have need of a head; to name one is in your power. One thing you must know, that a throng of soldiers without a leader is a body without [9] a soul. It is five months from the time when Roxanê became with child; we pray that she may bear a son, who shall rule over us with the gods’ approval, when he comes of age. Determine by what men you wish to be ruled in the meantime.” Thus spoke Perdiccas.

  [10] Then Nearchus said that no one could deny that only the blood and stock of Alexander was suited to [11] royal majesty, but that to wait for a king who was not yet born, and to pass over one who was already living, suited neither the desires of the Macedonians nor their exigencies; that the king had a son by Barsinê; he ought to be presented with the crown.

  [12] His speech was approved by no one; and so, clashing their shields with their spears after their custom, they persisted in uproar. And already, as Nearchus maintained his opinion too persistently, they had almost reached the point of mutiny, when Ptolemy [13] said: “Truly a most worthy stock to rule the race of the Macedonians is the son of Roxanê or Barsinê, whose very name Europe will be ashamed to hear, since it is that of one who is in greater part a captive.

  [14] Is that why we have conquered the Persians, that we may serve their stock, a thing which those legitimate kings, Darius and Xerxes, sought in vain with armies of so many thousands and such great fleets?

  [15] My advice is this, that the throne of Alexander be set up in the royal quarters, and that those who were summoned to his counsels shoul
d come together whenever there shall be need of general consultation, and that what the majority of them shall decide shall stand approved, and that the generals and commanders of troops shall obey those men.

  [16] Some agreed with Ptolemy, fewer with Perdiccas. Then Aristonus began to speak, saying that Alexander, when he was asked to whom he left his kingdom, wished the best man to be chosen; moreover, he had himself judged that Perdiccas, to whom he [17] had handed his ring, was the best man. For he was not the only one who sat by Alexander when he was dying, but, the king, looking about, had chosen him from his throng of friends to give it to. Therefore it was Alexander’s wish that the supreme power [18] should be bestowed upon Perdiccas. And there was no doubt that Aristonus’ opinion was the truth. Therefore all bade Perdiccas to come forward and take up the king’s ring. He wavered between inclination and shame, and believed that the more modestly he sought what he coveted the more persistently they [19] would press it upon him. So, after delaying and being for a long time uncertain what to do, he finally retired to the back part of the assembly, and stood behind those who were nearest to the throne.

  [20] But Meleager, one of the generals, taking the courage which the hesitation of Perdiccas had aroused, said: “May the gods themselves not permit that the fortune of Alexander and the burden of so great a kingdom should fall upon such shoulders, certainly men will not allow it. I say nothing of those of nobler birth than this fellow, but only of brave men, who need to endure nothing against their [21] will. And truly it makes no difference whether you have for king the son of Roxanê, whenever he shall be born, or Perdiccas, since that fellow will usurp the royal power under the guise of regency.

  That is why no king pleases him except one who is not yet born, and amid the great haste of all, which is not only reasonable but even necessary, he alone waits for the completion of months, and already divines that a male child has been conceived. And could you doubt that he is even ready to suborn one?

 

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