by Unknown
73. To Daimon
In Greek, the word “daimōn” denotes a vague appellation of divine force, sometimes personified, but more often not. All divinities can be called a daimōn, and so can human beings after they have died. The Golden Race in Hesiod’s myth of the five races become such figures after their extinction (Works and Days 121–126); in later times, it was common to refer to the deceased as a daimōn in grave inscriptions. The modern idea of a demon, that is, a malevolent supernatural entity, is first attested for Xenokrates, one of Plato’s students. For the overlap and distinction between daimōn and god, see Burkert 1985, pp. 179–181. The ancient Greeks did not like unexplained phenomena and often cast about for something to firmly ground their understanding of the source of their experiences (see also OH 59i). Desire in early Greek poets, for example, is not an emotion welling from within, but an external force that emanates from the eyes of the beloved. Sokrates attributed the premonition he felt before engaging in an action to be somehow “daimōn-like.” Indeed, in speaking of divine activity, the ancient Greeks often took such careful precautions. An unknown cause of an event can be expressed by saying “a god” or “some god” willed it to be thus, and the efficacy of divine power might be qualified by, e.g., statements that the gods “somehow” or “in some way” accomplish such and such. The concept of daimōn coheres to a large extent with this sentiment and provided a sort of a blank check, as it were, for causal explanations. It was particularly linked to individual fortunes, both good and bad.
It is specifically in this capacity that we find daimōn worshipped as a household god, where the concept is personified to a degree and the entity so produced called Agathos Daimon (Good Daimon). Libations poured before the drinking of wine could be accompanied with an invocation to this divinity, and at symposia he would be invoked along with Zeus Soter (the “savior”) and Hygieia (see OH 68i). The connection with personal fortune brings Agathos Daimon in contact with (Agathe) Tyche (Good Fortune), and they are often found together. In Isidoros’ hymns (first century BC) Isis is associated with Agathe Tyche and another Egyptian goddess, Renenutet, who was connected with individual fortunes. This figure has a male consort, Sokonopis, who corresponds to Renenutet’s consort Shay and whom Isidoros identifies with Agathos Daimon (see Vanderlip 1972, p. 6). (Agathe) Tyche and (Agathos) Daimon are also sometimes invoked together in the magical papyri.
Our author seems to be intentionally incorporating elements of Agathos Daimon in this hymn, particularly the concern for material blessings and his connection with Tyche (subtly expressed thematically and linguistically). That the addressee is twice called Zeus, however, indicates something more. The wealth discussed in this hymn primarily refers to agricultural wealth (cf. “livelihood” in line 2). It is not surprising, then, that there are a number of points of contact between this hymn and others in the collection addressed to chthonic deities connected with agriculture, particularly Hades. This god is sometimes addressed as “Chthonic Zeus,” as we find in the hymn to Plouton (see OH 18.3+n). Thus Daimon might represent a particular aspect of Hades. However, it is much more likely that it is Zeus himself that is being addressed. Despite being a celestial god, Zeus was also intimately involved in fertility. Rain is necessary for the crops to grow, and, as the god who sends the rain, Zeus may legitimately be called the one “who gives livelihood to mortals” (line 2). Moreover, worship of Zeus had a chthonic aspect as well, particularly as a tutelary household god. In this, he bears a close affinity to Agathos Daimon, and it would be quite natural to refer to Zeus as Daimon. Two particular incarnations of Zeus that seem relevant to this hymn are Zeus Ktesios (Zeus of Wealth) and Zeus Meilikhios (Zeus the Gentle); see the notes to lines 2 and 4. It should also be mentioned that the other hymns addressed to Zeus focus on the celestial side of this god, particularly as the great weather god (OH 15 and OH 19–20). It would be very strange if the chthonic side, one that was quite prevalent in actual religious practice and that is particularly germane to our cult, would be neglected in the collection. Comparable, perhaps, is the separate treatment of Hermes and Chthonic Hermes (see OH 57i). When calling on the gods, the Greeks preferred to err on the side of inclusiveness.
Three different daimōn figures are mentioned in Orpheus’ address to Mousaios. There we find a bifurcation into a “holy” daimōn opposed to a daimōn responsible for the ills that befall mortal men (line 31); the holy daimōn is presumably responsible for the beneficial events and might actually have been considered to be Agathos Daimon by the cult. The next line speaks of divinities (daimones) who inhabit every nook and cranny of the cosmos. Consistency might be imagined by postulating a hierarchy of daimones: a Zeus-daimōn at the head, followed by a personification of two aspects of Daimon—one good, one bad—and finally an acknowledgment of the plurality of daimones that are connected with the various individual fortunes. But perhaps we should not overly press for a systematic theology; the notion of a daimōn is very fluid, encompassing many senses and fulfilling different functions. The hymns capture both the idea of a race of guardian spirits, already found in Hesiod (see OH 69.9n) and the personified abstraction of such an idea, as seen in the person of the Agathos Daimon. The hymn to Tyche would naturally suggest one for an individualized daimōn, a female-male pairing that is repeated in the subsequent hymns to Leukothea and Palaimon as well as throughout the collection (see OH 14.8–9n). The identification of Daimon with Zeus in his chthonic aspect is natural and another example of the complex web of associations that form the tissue of our collection.
2 gentle: This same adjective is used of Tyche in the same exact place in the previous hymn. The daimones mentioned by Orpheus in his opening address are included among divinities referred to as “gentle.” The Greek word, “meilikhios,” is also a cult title of Zeus. Under this name, he was worshipped both as a household and polis divinity. The power to grant good or bad fortune was his, and sacrifices were made as a way to stay in this god’s good graces. An overview of Zeus Meilikhios (and other similar incarnations) may be found in Larson 2007, pp. 21–23.
2 who gives birth to all: Zeus is often considered the father of gods and men, and the epithet “who gives birth to all” is also used in the hymn of Astrapaios Zeus (OH 20.5, translated there as “begetter of all”). See also OH 15.3–5+n. A very similar epithet is used of the sky gods Sky (OH 4.1) and Kronos (OH 13.5), as well as Zeus’ son Herakles (OH 12.6). This also speaks against interpreting Daimon as Hades in this hymn.
4 giver of wealth: Cognates of the epithet translated here as “giver of wealth” (“ploutodotēn”) are used to describe Demeter (“giver of all,” OH 40.3) and Hades (“you give the wealth of the year’s fruits,” OH 18.5). We also find it used to characterize one of the functions the Golden Race possesses after they die out and become daimones (Hesiod Works and Days 126). Isidoros applies this epithet to both Isis-Renenutet-Tyche (1.1) and Sokonopis-Agathos Daimon (2.10). At the end of a spell in the magical papyri that details the construction of a phylactery to bring success, the god addressed is invoked as Aion, giver of wealth, and Agathos Daimon (PGM 4.3165–3166; for Aion, see OH O.28–29n). Zeus Ktesios (Zeus of Wealth) is also called “ploutodotēs.” This is another aspect of Zeus, similar in function to that of Zeus Meilikhios (see Larson 2007, p. 21). Very relevant for our hymn is that Zeus Ktesios is found with Tyche and Asklepios as a trinity of household divinities capping a list of gods in a late dedicatory inscription found in Stratonicea (Asia Minor). Pausanias reports that Zeus Plousios (Zeus of Wealth) had a temple in Sparta (3.19.7).
74. To Leukothea
Leukothea, the “white goddess,” is represented in literature as a sea divinity. Her first appearance is in the Odyssey, where she attempts to aid the foundering Odysseus (5.333–353). She was once the mortal named Ino, one of the daughters of Kadmos and a sister of Semele, Dionysos’ mother (Hesiod Theogony 975–976). Both names are mentioned together at OH O.34. Ino became the nurse of Dionysos after Semele had been incinerated by Zeus’ magnifi
cence (see OH 44i). A jealous Hera drives Ino’s husband, Athamas, insane, and he kills their older son, Learkhos. A terrified Ino scoops up the younger son, Melikertes, and is chased by the raving Athamas until she reaches a precipice overlooking the sea. Cornered, she plunges herself and her son into the sea. The sea divinities take pity on her and transform her into one of their own. She receives a new name, Leukothea. Melikertes, too, is transformed and becomes the god Palaimon (see further OH 75i). See Ovid’s Metamorphoses 4.416–542, and for a somewhat different account, Apollodoros 3.4.3. In other versions of the myth, Ino kills or attempts to kill the children of a previous wife of Athamas, Nephele (Apollodoros 1.9.1), or of a later one, Themisto (Hyginus Fabula 4, based on the lost Ino of Euripides; cf. Fabula 1 for a different account). The significance of the name White Goddess is obscure. The white may refer to the foam of the sea and/or the complexion of her skin; compare the names of the sea-nymphs Galatea (“gala” = “milk”) and Tyro (“turos” = “cheese”).
Leukothea played an important role in cult. Aristotle reports that the Eleans asked Xenophanes (later sixth century BC) whether they should sacrifice and sing dirges to Leukothea; he answered that if they thought she was a goddess, they should sacrifice but not lament, but if they thought she was human, then they should lament but not sacrifice (Rhetoric 1400b5–8). Cicero, writing in the first century BC, mentions that Leukothea was worshipped throughout Greece (De natura deorum 3.15). The Megarians believed that the corpse of Ino had washed up on their land, and they claimed that they were the first to call her Leukothea (Pausanias 1.42.7); they also thought the rock from which she jumped was in their territory (Pausanias 1.44.8). Ino was worshipped in a few places in Lakonia. At Epidauros Limera, people would throw barley cakes into a lake. If the cake sunk, it was a sign of the goddess’ acceptance; if it floated, it indicated her rejection (Pausanias 3.23.8). There was also a dream oracle on the road to Thalamai; the sanctuary had bronze statues of Sun and Pasiphae, who Pausanias claims was not a native goddess and whose name was a title for Moon (3.26.1). For more on dream oracles, see OH 86i. Leukothea is invoked along with Hermes, Hekate, Ploutos, Persephone, Artemis, Demeter, and anonymous heroes to protect a grave in an inscription found in Pantikapaion (modern day Kerch); all of the deities have the epithet “chthonian.” A cultic connection with Dionysos is perhaps to be read in an inscription on an altar found in Syria. It reads “the vineyard of the goddess Leukothea and Melikertes. Asklas, son of Thaddaios, dedicated the altar at his own expense out of piety” (Sartre 1993, p. 52). The context is unclear, but in the mention of a vineyard belonging to Leukothea and Melikertes it is tempting to read a Dionysian association, perhaps in a cultic context (also see the collection of inscriptions in Sartre’s article for more Leukothea inscriptions from Syria). Pausanias reports that in Lakonian Brasiai the inhabitants claimed that the wandering Ino arrived and consented to be nurse to Dionysos, who had washed up on shore (cf. Melikertes); he also saw the grotto where she brought up the infant, and he learned that the plain was called the Garden of Dionysos (3.24.3–4). The grotto might have housed a cult, but Pausanias gives no indication of one. The theme of a wandering goddess bereft of her child and nursing another’s as a surrogate is found in the story of Demeter, who after the abduction of her daughter Persephone wanders the world in disguise and eventually becomes a nurse to the infant Demophoön at Eleusis (see OH 41i).
The connections with Dionysos and indications of chthonian character make it unsurprising to find her addressed in our collection. In addition, the rebirth of a mortal into a god (cf. the question of the Eleans to Xenophanes) is consonant with the hopes of initiates in such cults, as the Bacchic gold tablets attest. Furthermore, another inscription found in Syria (also in Sartre’s article) mentions the apotheosis of the dedicatee’s son in a cauldron used in a ritual for Leukothea of Segeira. It begins with the Greek version of the Latin formula “for the welfare of the Emperor,” and the emperor mentioned is Trajan (98–117 AD). What exactly is meant by “apotheosis” (literally or figuratively understood?) is unclear, but there is perhaps some relation to the versions of the myth where Ino places Melikertes in a cauldron (e.g., Apollodoros 3.4.3) and might be trying to revive her son, as suggested by Farnell 1921, pp. 43–44.
It is interesting, though, that this hymn focuses almost exclusively on the maritime associations, particularly the soteriological aspect already found in the Odyssey. Only the brief mention of Dionysos in line 2 serves to connect her with the mythological record. The placement of this hymn and the following hymn to her son is also puzzling. One would expect, perhaps, a contiguous location to the second one addressed to the Kouretes, who, in their connection with Samothrace and the Dioskouroi, are associated with the sea and succoring sailors (see OH 38i). Indeed, an epigrammatic parody of dedications by Loukillios (first century AD) connects Leukothea and Palaimon (under their mortal names!) with the Samothracian gods: “To Glaukos and Nereus and Ino and Melikertes/and to Zeus of the Depths [= Poseidon] and the Samothracian gods/I Loukillios, for being saved from the sea, have shorn/the hairs of my head—for I possess nothing else!” Both this hymn and that to the Kouretes look toward the deities to provide beneficial weather, and, as a nurse of Dionysos, Leukothea would fit with the series of addressees involved in the life of the infant Dionysos (OH 31–39). However, Leukothea seems to be considered chiefly as a cult figure and thus is included in the more congenial group (see OH 69i). For the female/male pair of Leukothea/Palaimon, see OH 14.8–9n.
75. To Palaimon
For the story of how Melikertes, the son of Leukothea, is transformed into the sea-god Palaimon, see the introduction to the previous hymn. The mortal remains of the boy are usually described as being conveyed to Corinth on a dolphin. Games were then instituted in his honor (sometimes by the hero Sisyphos), and these became later known as the Isthmian Games (see Pausanias 1.44.8, 2.1.8), which, alongside the Olympian Games, were one of the four main national contests in ancient Greece. The games, though, are sometimes attributed to Theseus (Plutarch Theseus 25.5). The name Palaimon means “wrestler,” and this name is generally assumed to be due to Palaimon’s association with athletic competitions, since the baby Melikertes could hardly be labeled a wrestler; it is possible that Palaimon was a separate entity, a divine youth, who later became merged with Melikertes. Be that as it may, Pausanias reports that the body was kept in an underground cave (2.2.1), which suggests chthonian rites. In describing a painting of the reception of Melikertes, Philostratus mentions mysteries (orgia) for Palaimon instituted by Sisyphos (Imagines 2.16); earlier Aristides (a contemporary of Pausanias), at the end of his prose hymn to Poseidon (Orations 46.40), similarly alludes to rites (teletai) and mysteries (orgiasmoi). An inscription containing the laws of a Dionysian cult at Athens (inscribed before 178 AD) mentions Palaimon (Dittenberger 1920, no. 1109), along with Dionysos, Kore (= Persephone), Aphrodite, and Proteurythmos, after a series of priestly offices in the context of a sacrifice.
Palaimon, like his mother Leukothea, has connections with Dionysos. They are relatives (see note to line 1), and in myth their stories are sometimes connected (e.g., Apollodoros 3.4.3). As already mentioned, Melikertes/Palaimon seems to have had chthonic associations and his own mystery cults, and it is also possible he was part of a Dionysian one at Athens in the time of the Roman Empire. Furthermore, the “rebirth” of Melikertes as Palaimon, along with the transformation of Ino, his mother, into the sea goddess Leukothea, bears some affinity to the dual birth of Dionysos, and such a transformation is a typical concern of Dionysian and Orphic mystery cults. See further Seelinger 1998. The focus of this hymn, however, just as in his mother’s, is almost exclusively on the nautical, soteriological element, and there is no explicit mention of the mythological trappings and cultic associations found elsewhere in Greek literature regarding this figure.
1 comrade of joyous Dionysos: Dionysos is technically a cousin to Melikertes, as their mothers were sisters. Moreover, Ino is often portrayed as th
e nurse of Dionysos, as in our collection (OH 74.2+i), and so it is not that much of a stretch to imagine a closer relation between the two aside from the mere fact of blood relation. In our hymn, Palaimon is explicitly made part of the Dionysian thiasos, as are others in the collection; see OH 1.3n and OH 54i. The Nereids are said to “revel in the waves” (see OH 24.2–3).
6–8: For Palaimon as a savior of sailors, see Euripides Iphigenia at Tauris 270–271: “O child of lady Leukothea, you who watch over ships, / master Palaimon, be gracious to us.” The prayer is somewhat humorous, in that the god in his role of saving sailors is invoked in very different circumstances. Here a barbarian herdsman, someone tied to the land, calls on Palaimon at the sight of two men on land (Orestes and Pylades) mistakenly assumed to be gods; the incongruity is further emphasized when the herdsman asks : “whether in fact these two are the Dioskouroi who sit atop mountain peaks/or the delights of Nereus, he who the well-born/chorus of fifty Nereids sired.” The Dioskouroi are Kastor and Polydeukes, who are usually the ones associated with the protection of seamen in literature. The Hymns mention them in connection with the Kouretes (see OH 38.21+i).
76. To the Muses
One of the most enduring and endearing creations of Hellenic imagination, the Muses are the goddesses of artistic and intellectual inspiration. In the epic tradition, they are represented as the nine daughters of Zeus and Mnemosyne (Odyssey 24.60, Hesiod Theogony 53–62), and their holy voices, often accompanied by Apollon’s lyre, delight the assembled gods and set various young divinities dancing (e.g., Iliad 1.601–604, Homeric Hymn to Apollon 3.186–206, Homeric Hymn to Hermes 4.450–452). For the Greeks, the activities the Muses inspire were intimately bound up with religious festivity and peace. The embassy sent by Agamemnon to attempt a reconciliation with Akhilleus finds the great hero, this man of violent passions, singing of the famed deeds of the heroes of old (Iliad 9.185–194). His attention to the peacetime activity of epic poetry dramatically underscores his refusal to participate in the Trojan War. The dichotomy of music and battle is expressed in the first fragment of Arkhilokhos: “I am the servant of Lord Enyalios [= Ares] / and the Muses, knowing their lovely gift.” See also OH 65.5n+i. Early poets often began their song with an appeal to the Muses. It is not clear whether the “goddess” Homer addresses at the beginning of the Iliad is a Muse, but he explicitly addresses one at the beginning of the Odyssey (see also OH 77i). Hesiod begins his Works and Days with the Muses, and in the Theogony we find a more expansive address in what amounts to a “Hymn to the Muses” (1–114). The convention is not just limited to the opening of a poem; before launching into the imposing “Catalog of Ships,” Homer calls on them for their aid (Iliad 2.484–493). Orphic fragment 361 mentions that “not even in any way do mortals forget the Muses. For they are/the rulers for whom the dance and lovely festivities are a concern.” West speculates this fragment (and perhaps Orphic fragment 362, cited below in the note to lines 8–10, which comes from the same source) might have been part of a hymn to the Muses, which perhaps in turn was the opening part of a larger composition, possibly a theogony (West 1983, pp. 265–266).