by Amy Licence
The next phase of their lives started peacefully enough, in 1446. Cecily retired to Fotheringhay amid the green Northamptonshire fields spreading out on either side of the River Nene. She had conceived again before leaving Rouen and delivered her seventh child around the time of her thirty-first birthday, if not on the actual day itself, 3 May. It was a girl, whom they named Margaret, probably in honour of the new queen. York may have only just arrived in time, if he was there at all, being recorded as in London on 24 March to attend a session of Parliament that sat until 9 April. The baby would have been christened in the new chapel at Fotheringhay, perhaps by Richard Wancourt, who was the clergyman there from 1437, or else in the castle chapel. Wancourt may also have conducted the ceremony by which Cecily was churched about a month after delivery. Margaret’s biographer Christine Weightman prefers William Worcester’s theory that this new daughter was born at Waltham Abbey but concedes that the surviving annals of the abbey for 1445–47 make no reference to the stay of the duchess or the birth of a child. Such an event would undoubtedly have gone recorded given that the scribe even lists the changes in weather. It is likely that the couple stayed at Waltham Abbey, which had been beloved of John, Duke of Bedford, but that connection was not formalised until five months after their daughter’s arrival. That October, York was granted an ‘assignment for life’ to ‘come often to London for the King’s business, to pay for his livery, horses and allot him the use of Waltham Abbey and town’.2
With another new baby in the nursery, the duchess soon resumed her marital duties. York was busy in London, anticipating being reappointed to the lieutenancy of Normandy and fending off the auditors who were examining his accounts. This came to an end around July, when he rejoined his family. They were probably together over the summer at one of their many estates, but in October they settled for a while at Bewdley in Worcestershire. They would have stayed at the Mortimer possession of Tickenhill House, which overlooked the town and was already established as a significant manor with a park, although it was extensively rebuilt in 1456. In 1446, corresponding with the period in which York visited, a new bridge was built over the River Severn, making access far easier for visitors and locals alike. It is not difficult to imagine York instigating this, as he was using the house as a base to deal with affairs concerning his estates in the south and west.
That October, Cecily fell pregnant again, probably at Tickenhill. Only four months had elapsed after she had delivered Margaret. By 30 November, York was back in London and attended council meetings through the first half of December at Westminster and Sheen. He spent the Christmas season at Fotheringhay, where he delayed until 26 January. Parliament met at Bury St Edmunds the following month, where Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, was arrested on charges of treason and died a few days later. The duke had overseen many of York’s estates before he had reached his majority and may have acted as something of a mentor to him; later, when he felt himself to be the subject of various whispering campaigns, York would identify his position with that of Gloucester. He may have been at Bury during these events, although his presence was officially recorded until 26 February, three days after the duke’s death.
In the summer of 1447, Cecily bore another son named William, who died during, or soon after, birth. The Victorian writer Amelia Halsted gives his birthdate as 7 July and the location as Fotheringhay. Cecily had now lost three, perhaps four, babies out of eight (or nine), but this was not unusual. It has been estimated that, in English ducal families between 1330 and 1479, 36 per cent of male babies and 29 per cent of females died before their fifth birthday. The average family unit contained 4.6 surviving children.3 It would be wrong to assume that medieval parents were more detached from their offspring or felt the loss of a child less keenly than we might today. It is true that infant and child mortality was far more common, and many families were larger, but surviving examples indicate the depth of feeling endured by royal parents on the loss of a beloved child. No doubt Cecily turned to her faith to console her, following the religious teaching that such things were the will of God, yet she would have had to bury her personal sorrow and continue with the life of a busy medieval duchess. She would have been aware that she had dependants in her household and on her estates and, while she could only pray for her lost child, she could actively seek to advance those that were still living. The Clare Roll poem that states ‘Richard liveth yet’ serves as a reminder of this dual state of endured loss and determination to fight on.
Although Cecily may have been mourning the loss of her latest baby, she and Richard were also mindful of the future. In 1447, their eldest child, Anne, was eight years old. It was a young age to become a wife, even earlier than Cecily’s betrothal at the age of nine, but too good an opportunity to lose. That summer, Anne was married to the seventeen-year-old Henry Holland, who would inherit the title Earl of Exeter from his father that August. Young wives were usually sent to live in their husband’s household, but in this case the groom may have come to Fotheringhay as, on 30 July, Richard was awarded ‘the keeping of Henry, son and heir of John, Duke of Exeter, from the said John’s death, Henry having taken to wife the daughter of the said Richard’.4
It was a good match for Anne on a dynastic level, with Holland descended directly from John of Gaunt; his grandmother Elizabeth had been the sister of Cecily’s mother Joan, giving the bride and groom mutual great-grandparents. He had been born in the constable’s lodgings in the Tower of London and christened in Westminster Abbey on the same day. It also meant that, after 1447, Henry was technically Henry VI’s nearest male relative as well as being his godson. The king had approved of the match, even encouraged it. York paid 4,500 marks as her dowry, a considerable sum, so he must have considered it to be a worthwhile investment. Holland was also closely related to York by marriage; his mother had been Richard’s aunt by her first marriage to Edmund Mortimer.
York had returned to England with every expectation that his status would allow him to play a significant part in the government of the country. He might have anticipated being reposted in France and perhaps taking on some of the responsibilities of the king’s late uncle, the Duke of Bedford. Many of Bedford’s men had transferred their allegiance to York after his death in 14355 and it would make sense for him to step into those shoes, but he instead found himself squeezed out and sidelined. A new triumvirate at the heart of Henry VI’s court had upset the balance of power against him, due to the claim he had on the throne and the potential damage he might cause to others who were attempting to control the impressionable king. The new queen, Margaret of Anjou, had been accustomed to the factional politics of France and made no secret of her partiality for two favourites, William de la Pole, Earl, and soon to be Duke, of Suffolk, and Edmund Beaufort, Earl of Somerset. York was dismayed to learn that, despite being significantly in debt as a result of his Normandy posting, he was being accused of favouritism and embezzling royal funds by Lord Privy Seal Adam Moleyns. Refuting the claims, he stated he ‘feleth him grieved and his worship hurt’.6 Withdrawing from court life, he was given various small grants and posts, such as the office of steward of the king’s forest south of Trent, and in May 1447 he was given permission to build an embattled tower at Honesdon in Hertfordshire.7 He spent much of 1446 and 1447 administering to his lands and estates.
The York household was changing at this time. They had brought back to England some of the loyal staff first employed in Normandy, who remained as familiar faces in Cecily’s daily life, as well as other powerful associates who worked for, or with, the family. Returning from France with them were the family cofferer John Stanlow, treasurer John Cley and loyal servants William Browning, John Flegge, Walter Devereux, Simon Reynham and the Mulso brothers, Edmund, Thomas and William.8 Cecily would have known Edmund as a man to be relied on since the earliest days of their marriage; he had accompanied them to Rouen in 1441 and after their return became Constable of Fotheringhay Castle. It must have been to his capable hands that York trusted his home
and wife during such times as they were apart. Thomas Mulso was York’s captain in Bernay, and William became his retainer.9 Also in the ducal service were Sir John Fastolf, Thomas Lord Scales, Ralph Lord Cromwell, Sir Andrew Ogard, Sir William ap Thomas and Sir William Oldhall, who had been York’s chamberlain since 1440. His councillors included Viscount Bourchier, John Lord Dudley and Reginald Lord de la Ware. Cecily would have known their receiver general, John Milewater, and the lawyers Robert Darcy, John Stork, Richard Quartermains and William Tresham, who must have visited their properties regularly to conduct business. More regular visitors would have been John Wigmore, York’s financier from Rouen, who became his agent in London, and William Burley, who was entrusted with estate matters, including the initiation of ducal concerns.10 There were also a small army of administrators who acted as York’s receiver in his various estates. Records suggest he was paying around 190 salaries during the late 1440s.11 Cecily herself would have overseen a significant number of servants in the different portions of her household, giving orders daily to the kitchens, cellars, chambers and hall, as well as being involved in all aspects of the hiring and firing of staff. She would have appointed trusted deputies to oversee its smooth running and ensure her wishes were carried out while she was busy with estate business. The image of the medieval lady sitting peacefully embroidering or playing the lute represents only a small proportion of what must have been a very busy and demanding life.
Cecily was used to travelling while pregnant, but with her pattern of regular childbearing she may have remained at Fotheringhay while Richard was travelling in Wales or else taken advantage of one of the intervals between her children to travel the 100-odd miles to Ludlow. She may also have been at Ludlow during part of this time to oversee the household that was established for her elder sons Edward and Edmund. It was customary for aristocratic boys, and particularly heirs to the throne, to be raised at court or in their own establishment, and by the time Edward and Edmund were five and six it was time for their education to be overseen in a permanent base. The solid and luxurious Ludlow Castle in Shropshire, close to the Welsh Marches, was the ideal location, having been enlarged by Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March. However, Cecily would soon leave England behind again.
On 30 July 1447, Richard was appointed Lieutenant of Ireland for ten years on a fee of 4,000 marks, followed by an annual salary of 2,000.12 It seemed to be a decisive appointment, engineered to prevent York from taking a more active role in the government of Normandy. A number of his contemporaries certainly thought it was designed to remove him from the heart of government, perhaps even to clear the way for Somerset’s unimpeded advancement. One satirical poem had him ‘exciled from our soveraigne lordes presens’,13 while Benet’s Chronicle described him as ‘banished’ and Gregory’s Chronicle had him ‘exsyled into Irlonde for hys rebellyon as thoo a boute the kynge informyde hym’.14 It seems that he may have spoken out in Parliament at some point against Somerset for his role in England’s losses in France. This, coupled with Moleyn’s accusations about his finances, even though he had been denied the money he needed to fulfil his obligations, was enough to give the king the impression that York could prove a dangerous thorn in his side.
The appointment was confirmed in the Parliamentary Rolls in December and cemented the following year with Somerset’s appointment as his replacement in France. This came as a disappointment but was now no surprise. The months passed, but York delayed his departure. Fearing the influence of his enemies in his absence, he asked Cecily’s brother, Salisbury, to read a letter in Parliament about his intentions to serve the king loyally. Perhaps it was for this reason that he did not leave England until 1449, a full two years after the appointment. He was in London for a Garter ceremony in November 1447 and his presence at Fotheringhay on 13 January 1448 suggests the family spent the Christmas period there. Cecily fell pregnant again that February, and by October he was back in London. Cecily’s next child arrived soon afterwards; Halstead later has her at a place called Neyte, where she delivered a short-lived son, John, on 7 November. This was the manor and garden of La Neyte, belonging to the Abbot of Westminster, located near Ebury Bridge on the bank of the Thames. Here there was a great garden, an almoner’s garden, a kitchen garden, a garden of the Warden of the Lady Chapel along with several others, stretching over 2½ acres.15 The abbot at the time was Edmund Kyrton, who extended hospitality to the duchess while York was about Parliamentary business in London.
It was fairly common practice before the Reformation for women of all walks of life to be accommodated in monastic hospitals and lodgings while infirm or in labour; Cecily would no doubt have been given the best possible accommodation in line with her rank. She may also have benefited from the nearby infirmarer’s garden, with its wealth of culinary and medicinal herbs, which feature so frequently in medieval remedies for childbirth and recovery. Her infant son is likely to have been buried within the grounds of the establishment, if not at Westminster itself. York may have hurried away on receiving news that she was in labour but, as husbands were customarily excluded from the birth chamber at this time, it is likely that he was in government until decisive news arrived. This does not lessen the bond between him and Cecily or his children, it simply serves as a reminder that their lives were lived according to different rules than those of today.
York was still dragging his heels about the Irish lieutenancy. The Elizabethan antiquarian John Stowe claimed that the spur to his departure was an uprising early in 1449, with York described as the fittest person to subdue the rebels, although this overlooks the fact that this was his duty given his promotion two years earlier. The Herald of Peace from 1831 suggested that he was deliberately underequipped by Queen Margaret and Somerset in the hope that he might be slain in the attempt. York’s salary was confirmed by the king at Westminster in February 1449, but on 6 March he was still conducting official business at ‘Fodrynggay’, granting the friars at Bury St Edmunds the right to enclose land. A week later, he appointed Thomas Yonge and John Wyggemore as his attorneys in England during his absence.16 Cecily would have been overseeing the household being packed up in readiness for their departure, organising the servants to collect linen and necessary items, although larger pieces like furniture would have been dismantled closer to departure. In April, James Manthorp, Henry Wyhom and Thomas Combe were commissioned to arrest ships, barges and other vessels, with their masters and mariners, for the Yorks’ passage, ‘so that they be at Beaumaris with all speed’.17 The departure finally took place in June; they travelled north to Beaumaris on the isle of Anglesey, probably staying in the castle where Eleanor Cobham was a prisoner, before sailing straight across the Irish Sea to Dublin. By the time they landed at Howth on 6 July, Cecily was six months pregnant.
The Parliamentary Rolls list grants to a number of men who accompanied the Yorks to Ireland for ‘the safe keeping of those parts’. From Richard’s own household came William Oldhall and Edmund Mulso, as well as John Wykes, Roger Ree of Essex, Stephen Cristmasse of Kent and James Manthorp; perhaps some of their wives accompanied them, as part of Cecily’s retinue.18 They were heading to a city rich in ancestral associations; York’s great-great-grandfather Lionel, Duke of Clarence, had also held the position and granted property to the dean and chapter of St Patrick’s, on condition that they said Masses for the souls of himself and his duchess, their ancestors and posterity.19 According to the Annals of the Four Masters, he was ‘received with great honour, and the Earls of Ireland went into his house, as did also the Irish … and gave him as many beeves [beefs?] for the use of his kitchen as it pleased him to demand’.20
There had been a castle in Dublin since the twelfth century. Lionel had made some changes to it, ordering the demolition of a house within the castle walls and the construction of a new roof, a new chamber adjoining the little chapel and a new house beside the bakery.21 His grandson, Roger de Mortimer, had also been Lieutenant of Ireland, which then passed to Edmund de Mortimer, Richard’s uncle.
From him, York inherited the earldom of Ulster and lordships of Connaught, Meath, Leix and Ossory. The castle that Cecily would have seen for the first time that summer was set within the city itself, a solid rectangle with six towers enclosing a courtyard. Two sides of it flanked the River Poddle, which was diverted into its moat. They would have approached it from Cork Hill and entered through the Bedford Tower. This no longer exists but the huge, solid Record Tower gives a sense of its proportions. They soon moved to the castle of Trim, in County Meath, part of York’s Mortimer inheritance and the largest Norman castle in Ireland, where they spent the Christmas of 1449.22
Any rebellion was swiftly suppressed in 1449. York was so successful that, in the autumn, one of his followers said that ‘with the myght of Jesus ere twelvemonth come to an end the wildest Yrishman in Yrland would be sworn English’.23 Richard’s role included retaining men, letting land and maintaining law and order; the Irish Patent Rolls contain records of him licensing the election of a new Bishop of St Patrick’s in August, granting subsidies and granting bishoprics and offices at Dublin and 40 miles north, at Drogheda.24 To assist him, York appointed Richard Nugent, Baron of Delvin, as his deputy.25 Almost straight away York began work, issuing summonses on 8 August to the leading lords and clergymen to attend a session of Parliament at Dublin on 17 October; the following March, he recalled them to Drogheda for 24 April.26 Much of his work would have been conducted in the great hall, built of stone and wood, used for Parliamentary sessions and as a law court; on other occasions, Cecily would have jurisdiction over it, when it became the venue for feasting. Within a month of arrival, York had raised such support that he was able to lead a large force to overcome the O’Byrne territories and bring many powerful Irish figures into submission. On 21 October, soon after this, Cecily matched his political success with a personal victory, when she gave birth to another boy at Dublin Castle. Little George would be her third son to survive infancy.