by Dan Donovan
Ms. Linus had been a Representative from Wyoming who deftly employed her typical middle class appearance and style to promote an assertive agenda of women’s issues. The definition of “women’s issues” changed over the course of her 12 terms in the House. Initially, the appropriateness of a woman in politics was a central topic; eventually the Beltway establishment understood that women’s issues are issues of personal concern to over 50% of enrolled voters— so attention began to be paid.
When Greg Albertson, new to his promotion to the West Wing, inquired if she would be interested in his previous job, Ann Linus accepted after a few moments of decent hesitation. “The glass ceiling’s been pushed up another notch” is how she explained her intention of re-charging a profession she had grown tired of for protecting the “static-quo.”
As the vehicle’s doors were opened by Agents now displaying automatic weapons, the Vice President stepped up to Mr. Albertson and quietly informed him, “The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs is on the video phone. He is one tense Marine. He needs to talk to you pronto!”
The group went inside and directly to the communications room. Albertson seated himself at a large desk where a TV-phone monitor was situated. “General, what can you tell me?”
The Chairman, Four Star General Cory Stratton of the U.S. Marine Corps, looked every bit the Hollywood image of a “hard as a reinforced bunker” style professional warrior. Stratton stood 6 feet 2 inches tall, weighed an athletically fit 210 pounds, had close-cropped dark hair, and ebony eyes which reflected either his private impish playfulness or a public sternness that warned that nothing less than maximum performance would be tolerated. Within his full-time duties he had set aside the hours needed to acquire his Doctorate in International Diplomacy.
Colleagues still marvelled at the tale of Stratton’s neutralizing an enemy intruder at Alliance HQ in Dubai during the Persian Gulf War. An Iranian commando had penetrated all the base’s security levels, finally barging into the room where the General was conducting a staff meeting. Two seconds later the intruder was dead, shot in the forehead by Stratton, who apologized for the interruption then continued the meeting. Stratton was the commanding field officer for the international alliance assembled by President Prescott in response to Iran’s invasion of Iraq and Kuwait in July 1990. Stratton was named as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff by President Jeffrey De Witt in 1995.
“Mr. President, the activity in Beijing may be a diver-sion,” the Chairman reported sternly. Several exclamations of “What!” arose from behind the President. Albertson added his own inquiry. “What more is happening?”
General Stratton laid out the facts in cold directness. “The North Koreans are providing mounting evidence of going on a war footing. They have sent aloft far more than their usual contingent of aircraft; from what we know of their fuel supply levels they don’t have the resources to waste on night patrols when they lack the proper equipment. Their divisions along the frontier have apparently risen to a higher level of alert. Their propaganda broadcasts alternate between warning the Seoul Government against adventurism, and calling upon the people of the South to join their Northern cousins in a crusade to oust the oppressors of Korea.”
The President paused as he started to speak. Finally, he asked, “Do we have anything concrete? Were reserves moved up? Did the front line troops approach the DMZ? Perhaps they’re only jittery following the events in China.”
Stratton replied, “We had reports last week of deliver-ies by rail to forward positions of heavy-weight ordnance. It wasn’t activated or brought into the field straight away. They seem to be playing a shell game. Probably figured we were watching from overhead.”
“So where is it? How much or how many of whatever was there? Was it tanks, artillery, attack helicopters?”
“Sir, we don’t know the answer to any of those questions. Funding for HUMINT was deprioritized in the past several budgets…excuse me for a moment, Sir…Yes, Colonel.” General Stratton moved away to converse with an aide who had approached with a report. If it was possible, Stratton seemed more grim-faced when he sat back before the phone. “I have been handed an update regarding Korea. There is a considerable concentration of North Korean aircraft moving south bound over the Yellow Sea. The craft took off from airfields near Pyongyang, headed for the coast and have been flying at low level with their lights on, but below their own radar’s capacity to track. We have them under surveillance by two AWACS. The propaganda broadcasts are openly accusing the South of having sent raiding parties across the DMZ.”
“Have any ROK forces taken such actions?” Albertson inquired.
“No, Sir, Mr. President,” answered Stratton. “But Seoul high command is ready to initiate action if anyone so much as whispers ’advance.’ Sir, we are getting a running commentary based on the observations by the AWACS and satellite positioning updates. If someone at your site will switch the reception to the wide-screen monitor, you can observe the activities board.”
A technician with the President made the necessary ad-justment. The video link-up was projected onto a wall-size screen. Before them the group could see the activity in the White House Situation Room. A computer-generated map displayed the constantly updated placement of aircraft, ships and land-based military units in and around the frontier area of the two Koreas. An off-screen voice provided commentary:
“The NKAF heavy squadron continues to proceed south along the western coast, about one mile offshore. There has been a noticeable increase in motor vehicle activity in-land of the coast just above the DMZ. Early indications are they may be deploying a Sam unit. This would be consistent with their allegations that ROK aircraft are attempting to challenge the sovereignty of the North’s airspace.”
“Mr. President.” It was General Stratton overriding the commentary. “As you can see on the board, no Republic of Korea or U.S. aircraft are within five miles of the DMZ. Pyongyang Radio has been rattling off a series of accusations. We are observing, but not doing anything provocative.”
“Thank you, General,” said the President. The commentary resumed, “…continuing their course. In two minutes the squadron will be adjacent to the frontier. A ROK Aegis-class destroyer, as projected, is sitting on the edge of the five-mile buffer. The squadron is altering direction and altitude, coming in-land over their own territory. They are at 1000 feet, crossing the coast…ALERT! On-shore radar has lit up…aircraft climbing and accelerating, continuing northward…increased radio traffic…NK border security seems not aware of squadron’s status as one of their own…squadron is not responding to calls to identify…they were silent on the way south…warnings being issued…radar seeking to lock-onto the squadron…LAUNCH! Indications from suspected Sam site of multiple releases…craft heading back over the sea, evading projectiles…LAUNCH! Numerous…AWACS report possible dozen large projectiles launched…trajectory is away from, repeat AWAY FROM, location of squadron… projectiles are climbing, arching over the DMZ…ROK aircraft are firing counter-launches at projectiles, some are targeting the Sam site…ALERT! Projectiles are down-sloping above city of Inchon….…
WHAT!?? OH, Nooo…AIR-BURST! STRONG THERMAL FLASH!! We’re getting interruptions from primary AWAC…MUSHROOM CLOUD BEING REPORTED!!!…air and ground sources verify…”
“STRATTON!! GENERAL STRATTON!! What in hell is going on!” the President was standing and screaming at the screen. Stratton appeared, held up one hand, indicated ‘wait.’ Minutes later, seemingly an eternity, he reappeared. “Mr. President,” in a voice held authoritatively calm, the Chairman addressed the bewildered gathering at Camp David. “There has been a likely nuclear strike against Inchon. The second launch is believed to have been a series of Scuds. Obviously one contained an extreme warhead. By our standards it was a small device. However, damage on the ground will be considerable. The Seoul Government is demanding that we initiate an immediate retaliatory strike, and one which will be beyond mere response in kind. Several of their squadrons have already eng
aged Northern ground troops, and destroyed NKAF fighters, radar sites and the Sam unit that launched the attack. Fortunately, no North Korean ground forces have advanced towards the DMZ. At this point we cannot state with assurance that this was a deliberate act by the North. If this wasn’t an orchestrated scenario we have a possibility of either a rouge local commander, or one who didn’t know the squadron was one of his own. When the jets crossed in-land the Sam commander may have panicked thinking there really was an invasion, and let loose with his big gun.”
“How is that possible?” demanded Albertson. “Isn’t North Korea buttoned-up so tight you need permission to sneeze? What is a nuclear weapon doing in the hands of a glorified artillery officer?”
“Well…” A voice from behind the President began. It was Milton Prescott. “If you remember those NSC intel reports on the status of control in the Hermit Kingdom, matters have been slipping since Kim Jong-il inherited his father’s titles. He’s never achieved a consensus among the elite. The military has been suffering from the imploding economy along with everyone else. It’s become a laissez-faire dictatorship. Someone along the chain of command may have stepped up, and overstepped us into a disaster.”
“Oh…yes…those reports,” Albertson said, more to himself than aloud. Recovering, he asked his almost forgotten guest, “Could they be so stupid to do this deliberately?”
“We’ve never held to our announced plans for sanctions. They probably saw us as no threat to their ambitions. However, their ambitions are guided by fear and paranoia. So your guess is as good as mine,” replied Prescott.
“Mr. President,” the Chairman interjected.
Two people replied “Yes.” One added, “Oops, it’s for you.”
“Mr. President,” General Stratton began again. “I have the South Korean Defense Minister on the line. He’s waiting for your authorization to initiate a joint deep counter-strike. They are willing to go it alone, if you request so.”
“NO! NO!! “, Albertson screamed as he pounded the desk top. “They cannot do that! Are they all insane? If any retaliation is struck it will never stop at being ’surgical.’ We’ll end up with a full-scale conflict on the peninsula, one with a nuclear component. Moreover, we still don’t know the background. How many more warheads do they have?”
The Chairman first replied to someone off-screen. “Sec State heard him! She’s going to have to talk them off the ledge!…Excuse me, Sir. In response to your question, Mr. President, we don’t have the resources to ascertain their capabilities in this field. The agreement the North signed in ’94 was intended to halt their development program. The inspection program the League of Nations was to carry out became non-functional with all the concessions made to satisfy the North’s complaints. National policy proscribed inserting any of our personnel in a stealth capacity.”
“What are they broadcasting now?”
“Local music. When the fire-fight began the station went silent. Then returned without comment.”
The President paced the room, clenching and unclenching his fists. Finally, he spoke. “General, order all our forces to stand down.”
“The AWACS?” asked Stratton.
“Oh…er…no. No. Leave them up. However, no offensive aircraft is to be near the DMZ. Pull them back or keep them on the tarmac. No ground patrols. Don’t we have electronic monitors in place?”
“Yes, however…”
“Rely on those for now. Also, it is imperative that no, I repeat NO, ROK unit, aircraft or vessel take any action. We must remember China has nukes and throw capacities far greater than Scuds. If we try slapping North Korea for this… incident, Seoul and perhaps Tokyo could be the next target; and, this time there wouldn’t be any doubt of the intention. China will not accept any transgression into what it regards as its sphere of influence. Is the Secretary of State available?”
The Secretary came on-screen a few minutes later. “Mr. President, our Korean allies are vehemently incensed at our inaction. Their Defense Minister had to be physically restrained from entering our Embassy because he was in such a violent mood. Tragically, there is something to preoccupy their government for a while. They will come back soon looking for a better answer.”
“Thank you for your viewpoint, Madame Secretary,” replied the President. “I need you to persuade the Koreans personally of the wisdom of restraint. Please arrange for an immediate trip to Seoul. This will assure them of America’s commitment. Secondly, try to contact someone, anyone, in Pyongyang who can give us information.” With that said, he ended the link-up. President Albertson turned and faced the others. No one spoke.
Milton Prescott hopped off the stool he had been sitting upon, looked at his wrist watch and commented, “Will you look at the time. I thought hours had gone by. Perhaps we should return to 1600.”
Amid the gathering crowd of aides, Secret Service Agents and military personnel, Greg Albertson stood as a man very much alone. His own was not the only government he seemed to have little control over.
April’s Aftermath
THE EVENTS OF APRIL 1999 brought into sharp focus the harsh reality that although the Armageddon-provoking tensions of the Proxy War era were gone, the world was still a particularly dangerous place.
[The Proxy War era, 1949 to 1991, refers to conflicts in the Balkans, the Philippines, Central America and the Caribbean between indigenous forces supported by the U.S. versus insurgents supported either by the People’s Republics of Eurasia or by Soviet China. The U.S. also conducted covert action against these two adversaries in Central Asia. An American supported pro-democracy group overthrew Cuba’s Marxist dictatorship in 1961. The Proxy War era is seen as ending when civilian demonstrations in Moscow led to a revolt which toppled the dictatorship of the PREA. China remains a totalitarian state, but ’Soviet’ in name only.]
Some of the details of these tragedies were described in a White Paper generated by the Commission on the East Asia Incidents (as the events were officially labelled by the Administration), which was appointed by President Albertson a week after the assassination and the decimation of Inchon. The Commission’s report was a dutiful recitation of facts al-ready in the public domain through hard-news presentations by the dwindling number of media outlets that still pursued hard-news. The Commission also wrote a limited distribution addendum dealing with the more sensitive material.
The events were in deed connected. No memo, audio or video tape was ever uncovered; yet, enough circumstantial evidence was obtained to show North Korean complicity in the murder of China’s President, and to confirm allegations that the assassination was to serve as cover for the outbreak of war in Korea. Unofficial and unprecedented co-operation between the intelligence agencies of China, South Korea, Japan and the United States revealed a conspiracy fathered by Kim Jong-il. He sought to bolster his collapsing regime by counteracting what he considered was a plot by Beijing and Seoul to undermine him. The North’s sole nuclear warhead (closer to being a hyper-augmented ’dirty bomb’ than the devices poised on top of the multitude of ICBMs planted around the globe) was deliberately aimed at Inchon. An estimated 2.5% of the city’s population of 2.8 million people would eventually die from either blast effects or radiation poisoning. In theory, the populace of the South was to blame the Seoul Government; they would revolt, overthrow the regime and happily invite Kim to be the Dear Leader of a reunited peninsula. What the dictator got for his trouble was a choice from the head of his own internal security apparatus of suicide or execution. A few weeks after the attacks a brief statement on Pyongyang Radio advised the people that Kim was dedicating his time to a special project related to the nation’s food supply. Before the end of the year another brief report announced that Kim had died following a short illness. No public or private funeral or memorial service was held. He was effectively erased from official memory. A Council of State, comprised of the leaders of the Party, the Army and the security agency, took control of the country.
The United States agreed to
establish a relief fund totalling $114 billion to compensate the families of those who died or were injured, and to aid in decontaminating and rebuilding the city of Inchon.
The death of Jiang Zemin left China in a short-term power vacuum. Once the authorities reassured themselves that their grip on power was not endangered by an array of foreign enemies they settled into complacency. The democracy movement restrained itself from public demonstrations, if only for self-protection. Besides the new communication format—the Internet—was beginning to work its way into the country behind the façade of business operations.
In the United States the initial relief at having avoided a possibly nuclear conflict soon gave way to an alternative analysis. America’s talk-radio gab-meisters began nagging at their loyal legions of listeners that the USA had been denied a victory once again by wimpy inside-the-Beltway politicos. All the well-chewed over views of how the U.S. tank forces had been restrained during the Persian Gulf War, and denied the glory of rolling into Tehran, were brought out again. In April, the American public was told, we had the opportunity to topple the NK Reds; our gallant allies in the South were well prepared to advance and put an end to the brutes up North. They simply needed U.S. air cover, a few cruise missiles strikes, one or two B-52 raids, and they would provide all the on-site ground forces. In a short time Southern troops would roll up to the Yalu River and all Korea would be free. Did this happen? NO! WHY NOT? Because the unelected occupant of the Executive Mansion would not listen to the advice of the Pentagon, and refused to act. Despite rebuttals by the White House and the Defense Department that no U.S. military officer ever suggested a move against the North, the accusation kept running ahead of the denial. The mini-wild fire of public agitation was ready to burn out when a news release re-ignited it. In August, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Cory Stratton, announced he would not seek reappointment to the post. He had already served the standard maximum of two 2-year terms; while an additional term was not prohibited, it would be very unusual. Despite statements from the White House, the Defense Department and General Stratton that he originally notified the President as far back as January of this intention, the rumor that Stratton was quitting because he was appalled by Albertson’s behavior kept running ahead of the denial.