by Arthur Allen
It rarely killed: Richard Strong et al., Trench Fever: Report of Commission, Medical Research Committee, American Red Cross (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1918), 2–3.
Typhus broke out in Serbia: Hirszfeld, One Life, 32; Kenneth Maxcy, Typhus Fever in the United States (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1929), 5–6.
Each laboratory had its: W. Köhler, “Killed in Action: Microbiologists and Clinicans as Victims of Their Occupation. Part 1: Typhus,” International Journal of Medical Microbiology 295 (2005): 133–40.
Prowazek protected himself: Jan. 21, 1915, letter in Austrian Kriegsarchiv, courtesy of Paul Weindling.
Rocha Lima, who fell ill: Burt Wolbach et al., The Etiology and Pathology of Typhus: Being the Main Report on the Typhus Research Commission of the League of Red Cross Societies to Poland (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1922), 116–20.
One of the few typhus: Hans Zinsser, As I Remember Him: The Biography of R.S. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1940), 220.
Though evidence of louse transmission: “Typhus Discovery Described in Paper,” New York Times, May 17, 1914.
Plotz and his vaccine: “Mt. Sinai Aids Work on Serbian Typhus,” New York Times, June 27, 1915.
It was never exactly: Mitchell et al., Typhus Fever, 38.
In 1916, Edmund Weil: R. Cruikshank, “The Weil-Felix Reaction in Typhus Fever,” Journal of Hygiene 27 (1927): 64–69.
Other physicians, including Nicolle: Albert Besson, Practical Bacteriology, Microbiology and Serum Therapy (New York: Longmans, Green, 1913), 847; Maximiliano Ruiz Castañeda, Escritos y entrevistas (Toluca: FONAPAS, 1978), 41–43.
To prove that a particular: Victoria Harden, “Koch’s Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases,” History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 42 (1987): 277–95
The early years of the Russian: Francis McCullagh, A Prisoner of the Reds: The Story of a British Officer Captured in Siberia (London: John Murray, 1921), 31–35.
“A minor setback”: Jerzy Borzcki, The Soviet-Polish Peace of 1921 and the Creation of Interwar Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 15.
“I do not suppose”: Carl Eric Bechhofer Roberts, In Denikin’s Russia and the Caucasus, 1919–1920 (New York: Collins, 1921), 109–10.
The Polish leader Piłsudski: W. Bruce Lincoln, Red Victory: A History of the Russian Civil War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), 403.
Kolchak . . . was routed and fled: McCullagh, Prisoner, 6–35.
“The sights which”: Ibid., 31, 6.
“Comrades,” Lenin told: Vladimir I. Lenin, “Report of the All-Russia Central Executive Committee and the Council of People’s Commissars, Dec. 5, 1919,” in Collected Works, vol. 30 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), 228.
A German Red Cross: Peter Mühlens, “Die russische Hunger- und Seuchenkatastrophe in den Jahren 1921–1922,” Zeitschrift für Hygiene und Infektionskrankheiten 99 (1923): 1–45.
Mutual delousing: Patenaude, Bololand, 236.
Conditions were particularly awful: Oct. 20, 1920, letter from Harry Plotz to Felix M. Warburg, Joint Distribution Committee, accessed at http://search.archives.jdc.org/multimedia/Documents/NY_AR1921/00022/NY_AR1921_00233.pdf#search=’harry plotz kiev’.
Typhus would have a transformative: McCullagh, Prisoner, 321
This demographic impact: Churchill speech of Nov. 5, 1919, in Churchill by Himself: The Definitive Collection of Quotations, ed. Richard M. Langworth (New York: Public Affairs, 2008), 35.
His method of inoculating: Stanisława Woyciechowska, interview by Ryszard Wójcik, Jan. 7, 1979.
Weigl had not been: Weigl, “Der gegenwärtige Stand der Rickettsiaforschung,” Klinische Wochenschrift 3 (1924): 1638.
“His determination to pursue”: Zbigniew Stuchly, “Wspomnienia o Rudolfie Weiglu” (Recollections of Rudolf Weigl), accessed at http://lwow.home.pl/weigl/stuchly.html.
Even as a student: Brzk, Nusbaum-Hilarowicz, 270–71.
Weigl published the first: Beiträge zur Klinik der Infektionskrankheiten und Immunitätsforschung 8 (1920): 353–76.
He and a friend were: Woyciechowska, interview with Wójcik, Jan. 7, 1979.
Health disasters were: H. L. Gilchrist, “Fighting Typhus Fever in Poland,” University of Cincinnati Medical Bulletin, Feb. 1922.
Herbert Hoover, whom Wilson: Alfred E. Cornebise, Typhus and Doughboys: The American Polish Typhus Relief Expedition, 1919–1921 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1982), 15–17; Zbigniew Karpus, Russian and Ukrainian Prisoners of War and Internees Kept in Poland in 1918–1924 (Torun: Wydawn. Adam Marsalek, 2001), 51–53, 106–12.
Perhaps because lice were: Zinsser, Rats, 187. See also Gilchrist, “Fighting Typhus Fever.”
Children were always the first: Cornebise, Doughboys, 63–70.
“The Jews were said to be”: E. W. Goodall, “Typhus Fever in Poland, 1916 to 1919,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine (Sect Epidemiol State Med) 13 (1920): 272–73.
Several of the medical: R. A. Bacot, “Details of the Technique Adopted in Following Weigl’s Plan of Feeding Lice Infected with the Virus of Typhus Fever by Rectal Injection,” British Journal of Experimental Pathology 3 (1922): 72–74.
Chapter 2: City on the Edge of Time
Rajchman, an assimilated: Marta Balinska, For the Good of Humanity. Ludwik Rajchman, Medical Statesman (Budapest: Central European University, 1998), 41–80.
The health agency, known: Hirszfeld, One Life, 66–72.
Soon after Weigl moved to Lwów: R. A. Bacot, “Details of the Technique Adopted in Following Weigl’s Plan of Feeding Lice Infected with the Virus of Typhus Fever by Rectal Injection,” British Journal of Experimental Pathology 3 (1922): 72–74.
Like many successful: Gabriel Brzk, Józef Nusbaum-Hilarowicz: ycie, prace, dzielo (Life and works) (Lublin: Wydawn. Lubelskie, 1984), 55.
She was beautiful: Wiktor Weigl, “Wspomnienia o moim Ojcu” (Memories of my father), in Zwyciy tyfus—Instytut Rudolfa Weigla we Lwowie. Dokumenty i wspomnienia, ed. Zbigniewa Stuchly (Wrocław: Sudety, 2001), accessed at http://lwow.home.pl/weigl/turek.html.
Weigl had many affairs: Wacław Szybalski, interview with author, July 2011, Madison, WI; Stefan Kryski, “Kartki 29,” in Kartki ze wspomnie starego profesora (Memories of an old professor) (Gdask: Akademia Medycyna, 2006), accessed at lwow.home.pl/weigl/krynski.html; Wójcik, interview with Tadeusz Brylak, Nov. 1980.
The family spent: Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”
Lwów was a city of rolling: Sources examined for the history and geography of the city include Peter Faessler, Thomas Held, and Dirk Sawitzki, eds., Lemberg-Lwow-Lviv: Eine Stadt im Schnittpunkt europäischer Kulturen (Cologne: Boehlau, 1993); Ernst Hofbauer, Verwehte Spuren: Von Lemberg bis Czernowitz: Ein Trummerfeld der Erinnerungen (Vienna: Ibera, 2004); Hermann Simon, Irene Stratenwerth, and Ronald Hinrichs, eds., Lemberg: Eine Reise nach Europa (Berlin: Links Verlag, 2007); John Czaplicka, ed., Lviv: A City in the Crosscurrents of Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005); Roman Kalua, Through a Reporter’s Eyes: The Life of Stefan Banach (Boston: Birkhäuser, 1996).
After independence, one: Simon et al., eds, Lemberg, 132.
“We were like ants”: Stanisław Lem, Highcastle: A Remembrance, trans. Michael Kandel (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1995), 133–34.
“We were proud of our city”: Wacław Szybalski, interview with author, July 2011.
Nostalgia for Lwów: Lem, Highcastle.
The city boasted 21: Andrzej Bonusiak, Lwów w latach 1918–1939 (Lwów in the years 1918–1939) (Rzeszów: Wydawnictwo Wyszej Szkoly Pedagogicznej, 2000).
It became the most popular: Olena Onufriv, “Tylko we Lwowie,” in Simon et al., eds., Lemberg, 214–16.
Every middle-class Lwowite: Adam B. Ulam, Understanding the Cold War: A Historian’s Personal Reflections, 2d ed. (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2002), 4–6.
“Most of my colleagues”: Leopold Infeld, Quest: The Evolution of a Scientist (New York: Doubleday, 1941), 151�
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Their favorite was at first: Adam Ulam, Cold War, 6–8; Kalua, Reporter’s Eyes, 42–48; S. M. Ulam, Adventures of a Mathematician (New York: Scribner’s, 1976), 50–52.
The Lwów school: Material on the mathematics circles in Lwów and the story of the Scottish Book are taken from Kalua, Reporter’s Eyes; Adam Ulam, Understanding; S. M. Ulam, Adventures; Mark Kac, Enigmas of Chance: An Autobiography (New York: Harper & Row, 1985); and Hugo Steinhaus, Wspomnienia i zapiski (Memoirs and jottings) (Wrocław: ATUTA, 2010); S. Ulam, “John Von Neumann,” accessed at http://www.ams.org/journals/bull/1958-64-03/S0002-9904-1958-10189-5/S0002-9904-1958-10189-5.pdf; Mark Kac, “Hugo Steinhaus: A Reminiscence and a Tribute,” accessed at http://poncelet.math.nthu.edu.tw/disk5/js/biography/steinhaus.pdf.
Steinhaus owed this distinction: Kac, Enigmas, 34–35.
Some of these discussions: S. M. Ulam, Adventures, 34.
The Roma had a character: Józef Wittlin, Mein Lemberg, trans. Klaus Staemmler (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1994), 125.
Of course, daily existence: Infeld, Quest, 86–149.
Ludwik Fleck took a: K. Leszczyska, “Ludwik Fleck: A Forgotten Philosopher,” in Penser avec Fleck: Investigating a Life Studying Life Sciences, ed. Johannes Fehr et al. (Zurich: Collegium Helveticum, 2009), 25–27.
His best friend was the: Fleck and Olgierd Krukowski, “Oddzialywanie skóry w durze plamistym na odmieca X19 i pra.tki pokrwene” (Impact of typhus on X19 and related mycobacteria) Medycyna dowiadczalna i spoleczna 1 (1923): 98.
A few of his contemporaries: Thomas Schnelle, “Microbiology and Philosophy of Science, Lwów and the German Holocaust: Stations of a Life—Ludwik Fleck 1896–1961,” in Cognition and Fact—Materials on Ludwik Fleck, ed. Robert S. Cohen and Thomas Schnelle (Dordrecht: L. Reidel, 1986), 17.
The mathematician Steinhaus: See Leszczyska, “Fleck,” 27; Fleck, “Briefe an Steinhaus,” in Denkstile, 387–92; and Steinhaus, Wspomnienia, 159–60.
But Fleck was notoriously: Fleck, Denkstile, 548n; recollections of Fleck at “Lublin, Pami Miejsca,” pamiecmiejsca.tnn.pl.
Fleck also had regular: Leszczyska, “Fleck,” 5–18; Eugene Ziskind and Esther Somerfield-Ziskind, “In Memoriam: Peter Jacob Frostig, M.D., 1896–1959,” American Journal of Psychiatry 117 (1960): 479–80.
In 1927, Fleck, then: “Transkript des Briefes von Prof. Dr. Joseph Parnas,” LFZ, Unterlagen und Notizen von Thomas Schnelle: Allgemeine Korrespondenz und Notizen von Thomas Schnelle 1978–1993, 4.1, Signatur 97.
Upon returning: Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”
The son of an attorney: Sylwia Werner, “Von Ameisen, Affen und Menschen: Betrachtung fremder Welten im Lemberg der Zwischenkriegszeit,” presentation at “Lemberg/L’viv/Lwów um 1900—Aktuelle Forschungen,” Herder Institut, Marburg, Germany, April 18, 2012; Werner, “Ludwik Fleck und die Wissenskultur der Lemberger Moderne,” in Vérité, Widerstand, Development: At Work with / Arbeiten mit / Travailler avec Ludwik Fleck, ed. Rainer Egloff and Johannes Fehr (Zurich: Collegium Helveticum, 2011), 59–65.
Fleck’s early work: Weigl, “Über das Wesen und die Form des Fleckfiebererregers,” Bulletin international de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences et des Lettres (1930): 6–21.
By the mid-1920s: Victoria A. Harden, “Koch’s Postulates and the Etiology of Rickettsial Diseases,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 42 (1987): 277–95.
He tested the formulation: “Die Methoden der aktiven Fleckfieber-Immunisierung,” Bulletin international de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences et des Lettres (1930): 25–59.
Shortly after returning from Vienna: “Über einige spezifische Merkmale des ärztlichen Denkens,” in Fleck, Denkstile, 41–51.
Fleck’s work was “probably”: Thomas Schnelle, “Ludwik Fleck and the Influence of the Philosophy of Lwów,” in Cognition and Fact, 231.
This had to be so: Fleck, Genesis, 47.
Fleck’s work anticipated: Christian Bonah, “‘Experimental Rage’: The Development of Medical Ethics and the Genesis of Scientific Facts. Ludwik Fleck: An Answer to the Crisis of Modern Medicine in Interwar Germany?,” Social History of Medicine 15 (2002): 187–207.
“We used to think that science”: Fleck, Denkstile, 333.
In debunking the view: Ilana Löwy, “Ways of Seeing: Ludwik Fleck and Polish Debates on the Perception of Reality, 1890–1947,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 39 (2008): 382.
Witkiewicz, who had seen: Polish Philosophy Page, “Stanislaw I. Witkiewicz,” at http://web.archive.org/web/20080209021703/http://www.fmag.unict.it/~polphil/PolPhil/Witk/Witk.html#anchor602777.
Chapter 3: The Louse Feeders
The public health authorities: Weigl, “Über das Wesen und die Form des Fleckfiebererregers,” Bulletin international de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences et des Lettres (1930): 1–21; Weigl, “Die Methoden der aktiven Fleckfieber-Immunisierung,” ibid., 55.
The first human: Hélène Sparrow and Charles Nicolle, “Application au cobaye et à l’homme de la méthode de vaccination contre le typhus exanthématique par emploi d’intestins phéniqués de poux,” Archives de l’Institut Pasteur de Tunis 21 (1932): 25–31.
The labs in Lwów: Ludwig Anigstein, “Professor Hélène Sparrow-Germa, MD (1891–1970): A Pioneer in World Health,” Polish Medical Science and History Bulletin 14 (1971): 100–101; R. Debré, “Helena Sparrow: A Polish and French Scientist,” Materia medica Polona 11 (1979): 79–82.
The trial was a success: Sparrow and Nicolle, “Application,” 29–30.
Rozalia, to everyone’s: Weigl, “Faits d’observation et expériences demontrant l’efficacité du vaccine à rickettsia pour la prévention du typhus,” Archives de l’Institut Pasteur de Tunis 22 (1933): 318.
One of the visitors: See, e.g., Jean Lindenmann, “Women Scientists in Typhus Research during the First Half of the Twentieth Century,” Gesnerus 62 (2005): 261–63.
She was not alone: Hans Zinsser, Rats, Lice and History (Boston: Little, Brown, 1935), 167.
Sikora’s personality was: Hilda Sikora, “Rickettsienfund bei Katzenstaupe,” Zeitschrift für Hygiene und Infektionskrankheiten 125 (1944): 530–32; “Hilda Sikora,” Angewandte Parasitologie 11 (1970): 63; “Hilda Sikora,” Angewandte Parasitologie 19 (1978): 64.
Over a decade: Weigl, “Über das Wesen,” 1–4.
Disregarding the accident: “Death of Edmund Weil,” Journal of the American Medical Association 79 (1922): 229.
“A young person was attracted”: Władysław Wolff, “O Profesorze Weiglu i ‘Weiglowcach,’” accessed at www.Lwow.com.pl/Wolff/Wolff.html.
The visitor, crossing: Wiktor Weigl, “Wspomnienia o moim Ojcu” (Memories of my father), in Zwyciy tyfus—Instytut Rudolfa Weigla we Lwowie. Dokumenty i wspomnienia, ed. Zbigniewa Stuchly (Wrocław: Sudety, 2001), accessed at http://lwow.home.pl/weigl/turek.html; G. B. Mathews, “Of Lice and Men,” Twentieth Century 33 (1943): 227–35.
Elated by the vaccine’s: Jan Rutten, “La mortalité des missionaires avant et après l’emploi du vaccin de Weigl,” Varia Dossiers de la Commission Synodale à Pekin (1936): 183; Rutten to Weigl, May 9, 1948, at Lwow.com.pl/weigl/rutten.html.
Peter Radło, a Hygiene: Piotr Radło, “Observations sur la vaccination contre le typhus exanthématique par le vaccin de Weigl,” Archives de l’Institut Pasteur de Tunis 26 (1937): 667–70.
By 1938, about 68,000 Poles: Hermann Eyer, “Die durch Läuse übertragbaren Infektionskrankheiten und ihre Bekämpfung,” Medizinische Welt 14 (1940): 261–64.
Overall, the number: Friedrich Hansen, Biologische Kriegsführung im Dritten Reich (Frankfurt: Campus, 1993), 88–92.
“When he came to our”: Wolff, “O Profesorze.”
If there were no: Wolff, interview with Ryszard Wójcik, March 1984; untitled films in possession of Krystyna Weigl-Albert.
Louse feces in these: Jan Starzyk, interview with Wójcik, Dec. 1980.
The hygiene teams found: Hirszfeld, One Life, 210–11.
A devic
e known as: Stefan Kryski et al., “Weigl’s Method of Intrarectal Inoculation of Lice in Production of Typhus Vaccine and Experimental Works with Rickettsia Prowazeki,” Annales Academiae Medicae Gedanensis 4 (1974): 19–51; Szybalski, “Genius.”
The first vaccination series: Weigl, “Methoden,” 52–55.
The total was reduced: Eyer, “Rudolf Weigl und die aetiologische Fleckfieberbekämpfung,” Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift 109 (1967): 2185–91.
By the end of 1933: Adam Finkel, “Über das zytologische Blutbild bei läusefütternden Personen,” Archiv für Innere Medizin 25 (1934): 49–66.
“Lice feeders must be”: Sparrow and Maurice Huet, “L’élevage du pou au laboratoire,” Archives de l’Institut Pasteur de Tunis 37 (1960): 323.
They also had to be: Finkel, “Blutbild,” 64.
Weigl was an idiosyncratic: Hermann Eyer, “In Memoriam Rudolf Weigl,” Zentralblatt für Bakteriologie, Parasitenkunde, Infektionskrankheiten und Hygiene 171 (1958): 358.
He neither requested nor received: Wacław Szybalski, interview with author, July 2011; Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”
If he used the formal: Stefan Kryski, “Kartki 29,” in Kartki ze wspomnie starego profesora (Gdask: Akademia Medycyna 2006), accessed at lwow.home.pl/weigl/krynski.html.
By then, however, Weigl: Kryski, “Kartki 29.”
As they walked away: Wiktor Weigl, “Moim Ojcu.”
The rooms were painted gold: Kryski, “Kartki 29.”
Armed Poles repaid: Svjatoslav Pacholkiv, “Zwischen Einbeziehung und Ausgrenzung: Die Juden in Lemberg, 1918–1919,” in Alexandra Binnenkade et al., Vertraut und fremd zugleich: Jüdisch-christliche Nachbarschaften in Warschau—Lengnau—Lemberg (Cologne: Böhlau, 2009), 172–87.
In Lwów, the delegates found: Arthur L. Goodhart, Poland and the Minority Races (New York: Brentano’s, 1920), 24, 142.
Yet the demonstrations were: Arnon Rubin, Against All Odds: Facing the Holocaust (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press, 2009), 6–10.
People in the procession: Antony Polonsky, “A Failed Pogrom,” in The Jews of Poland between the Two World Wars, ed. Yisrael Gutman et al. (Hanover, NH: Brandeis University Press, 1989), 110–19.