I think this is the biggest challenge of my life—by far.
[We eventually did get a budget deal, and although it was not as good as our original one, it was a major step in the direction of getting our deficit under control. Through a combination of tax increases and spending cuts, it slashed the accumulated deficit by $500 billion over five years. We also set strict limits on discretionary spending. I will confess to feeling a little vindicated in 1998 when the federal budget deficit was finally erased and a number of economists, journalists, and government officials cited “Bush’s 1990 budget compromise” as the beginning of the end of our deficit problem.]
We were disappointed and surprised that an old friend and ally, King Hussein of Jordan, was not supporting the international coalition that was forming against Iraq. I wrote him this letter from my heart:
10-20-90
His Majesty Hussein I
King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
Amman
Your Majesty:
One of the most agonizing by-products of this terrible situation in the Gulf has been the strains now placed on the relationship between Jordan and the U. S. I hope I need not tell you that I have always tried to demonstrate the respect I feel for your country, your countrymen and especially for you personally.
As you know, in spite of these strains and difficulties, all caused by Saddam Hussein’s brutal aggression against Kuwait, we have been trying to encourage economic support for Jordan. We have been doing this in spite of some concerns that I would now like to call to your personal attention.
The Conference in Amman hurt—so many known terrorists convening to blast the U.S. joined, I hate to say, by some of your own officials. I tried to understand the pressures that you and the government are under from the more radical left; but you must know that blatant attacks on my country, attacks that assign to us outlandish motives, only make things very difficult. Had a Cabinet member in my government attacked Jordan the way your Prime Minister attacked us, he would have been dismissed. I refer to his public remarks on our motivations in putting forces into Saudi Arabia.
I am determined to keep relations from totally disintegrating. I say this as one who wants our friendship to be strong and intact when all this ends. Thus may I comment on your recent interview with the New York Times. I make the following comments based on the premise that if I don’t level with you and you don’t level with me it will be more difficult for both countries.
In your recent interview with the New York Times, Your Majesty, it is simply incorrect that the United States decided to send, let alone dispatched, troops to Saudi Arabia before receiving a request from King Fahd. Our only motivation was to deter Iraq and, if necessary, defend a friend; we went when asked and we will leave the same way. It is also deeply troubling to read that an old and close friend “honestly can’t tell” if Iraq’s invasion was justified, when the entire world is united in condemning this action.
I was also troubled by your apparent acceptance of Saddam the Invader’s claim that Saudi Arabia was not threatened by him. The irrefutable evidence, which I thought we had presented to you, shows that the very day he announced he was moving his forces out of Kuwait, vast Iraqi armor was heading south toward the Saudi border.
Now, let me tell you what concerns me a lot. In that entire interview there was no mention of concern about the brutal treatment of the people of Kuwait, and no mention about Saddam Hussein’s barbaric policy of detaining innocent foreigners—holding them as hostages and staking them out near plants and installations so as to avoid retaliation for his brutality. The reports coming out of Kuwait are horrible.
I know how you personally feel about young people—surely you must be shocked and offended by the documented reports of rape, of shooting children for passing out leaflets (and making their parents watch), of the systematic dismantling of Kuwait from the hospitals to the factories and stores. It is tragic. It is indeed reminiscent of how Hitler behaved in Poland before the rest of the world came to its senses and stood up against him. As I write this I know you, too, care deeply about these atrocities.
Having written the above right from the heart, I simply want to add that I hate it that you and Jordan are in this very difficult situation. I would be no friend at all if I didn’t understand the enormous problems all of this has inflicted upon your wonderful country.
The other day I saw a picture of you and some of your associates receiving yet another delegation. I recognized several of your associates. All of them friends, all of them not historically opposed to the U. S. All of them having worked with us in difficult situations before. I still remain hopeful that it will be that way in the future.
I have a personal feeling that perhaps you don’t like it when those wild demonstrators in Baghdad and regrettably Amman attack me in very personal terms.
I know you have tried hard to find peace through dialogue; but the longer this matter goes on, the more I am convinced that there can be no compromise that stops short of the United Nations’ demands and universal condemnation.
I have warned Saddam Hussein that any terrorist act against us or our allies will be his responsibility. Further containment and continued brutality against “hostages” (he still refers to them as “guests”) will hasten the day of other than a peaceful settlement.
This letter is being conveyed to you in this special channel. I did not want it ricocheting around the corridors at State or anywhere else. It comes from a man who is your friend. It comes from a heart ladened with grief and sadness; but it also comes from one who is determined to see the total failure of Saddam’s unwarranted aggression.
Barbara enjoyed her visit with Queen Noor and Brent Scowcroft filled me in on every nuance of your distinguished brother’s recent visit. I ask you to convey my respects to him.
I pray we will find a way out of this terrible situation; but the longer I think about this it can only come from Saddam Hussein’s turning 180 degrees and his trying to undo the horrible offense he has committed against the rule of law.
My sincere best wishes to you and your family.
With respect,
Sincerely,
George Bush
[As soon as the war ended, we repaired our friendship, and we began to assist Jordan in every way possible. I felt the loss of a true friend when King Hussein died in 1999 and was glad to be given the opportunity to attend his funeral.]
Another brewing controversy was the pending civil rights legislation. I desperately wanted to sign a civil rights bill but refused to sign one that included quotas. I do not believe in quotas and feel they do more harm than good. But despite my pleas, Congress passed a quotalike bill, and I promptly vetoed it. My position created a difficult situation for the African-Americans serving in my administration. I wrote Fred McClure, who headed up the legislative affairs office:
10-20-90
Dear Fred,
You & I have not discussed the Civil Rights Bill. Let me just say I am certain this has not been easy for you. I can guarantee you it’s a tough one for me; but I have been thinking about you and Lou Sullivan, Connie & Art.38 I hate to see friends troubled and hurt—
Fred, you are doing an outstanding job, and I hate to see your life complicated by something of this nature, as I assume it is.
Hang in—
Warm regards,
GB
Democratic congressman John Lewis wrote me a passionate letter asking me to sign the bill.
10-22-90
The Honorable John Lewis
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear John,
I was moved by your letter—written from the heart. I do understand how strongly you feel. I have said all along I want to sign a bill. If the current bill fails to override [my veto] I hope you will take a look at the bill I’ve sent up there. It accomplishes many if not all of the same things you advocate. And it does guarantee against the possibilities that quotas might be re
sorted to.
John, I hate it when, in this country, we cannot disagree without challenging the other person’s motives. I’ve tried to have a good civil rights record because I believe we should “stand up for what’s right”. I shall continue to do so.
Sincerely with best Wishes—
George Bush
The tabloid newspaper National Examiner came out with the shocking news that Saddam Hussein, Queen Elizabeth, and I were all blood relatives. I moved quickly to reassure the team:
10-25-90
FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO:
The Vice President
SecState
Sec Def
NSC Adviser
Chief of Staff
Director of Central Intelligence.
Disclaimer—
No decisions I make will be affected by relationship with Saddam Hussein. The Queen and I would have it no other way.
George Bush
John Sununu received a letter from an American soldier in Saudi Arabia complaining that whenever he saw me on television, my tie was askew. I sent him a presidential tie clip and promised to do better.
11-1-90
Mr. Bill Winter
FPO San Francisco, CA
Dear Bill—
The Chief of Staff gave me your letter. I will remember to straighten my tie. I will use this kind of tie clip.
Now—all best wishes to you and the Seabees.
We will not fail in our moral mission. There can be no compromise with Saddam’s aggression.
Good luck—
George Bush
November 16th
On Thursday, I signed the Clean Air Act. Lot of Congressmen there. What got me was the emotion of it. You could sense in the East Room a strong emotional commitment to this legislation. In fact, it was somewhat overwhelming. After I walked out, it was genuine expression of appreciation and thanks from many, many people, including George Mitchell and a lot of people from the business community and the environmental community. It took me by surprise and I realize more fully now how important this legislation was. . . .
On November 16 we left for Paris to attend the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe—which included the heads of state of all European countries—where we signed a historic arms control agreement greatly reducing NATO and Warsaw Pact troops in Europe. However, the first stop was Prague.
November 19th
We’ve been to Czechoslovakia in a very moving and historic visit—the first visit of an American President to Czechoslovakia and obviously the first since the Czechoslovakian revolution. I spoke in Wenceslas Square, one year after the Communists went out. Estimate was 750,000 people. It was wall to wall. I regretted we had to be in a Plexiglas cocoon—dictated by the security people. But even that did not detract from the moment . . .
I felt a sense of awe standing with [President] Vaclev Havel . . . Havel is a very modest, close to shy man. Unpretentious to the T. He took great pleasure in introducing me to his playwright and his artistic friends. This man was in jail a year ago. This man was beaten and driven to his knees but refused to give up.
. . . We can never take our democracy for granted.
November 20th
I am feeling out of shape, overeating, clothes tight, not enough exercise and tired—not a good position from which to make tough decisions.
Our speech [at the CSCE conference] was the shortest yesterday except for Jacques Delors.39
We were supposed to speak for fifteen minutes, total. I was eight minutes. Said as much as the others and set an example. . . . The smaller the country, the longer the speeches—that’s the old UN adage. . . .
Had dinner with Gorbachev. . . .
It was a warm friendly conversation in the den, just Brent and one other, his man as an observer, and two interpreters. He still is charismatic and everyone at the Embassy wanted to meet him.
At dinner, we were totally relaxed, and we told jokes.40 They told stories about Stalin, all of them having seen him when they were younger. Stalin had gone down on a vacation and he asked for somebody to come have a drink with him. His Minister came, drank about a half bottle of vodka, Stalin drinking wine. Stalin offered him more vodka and he said “No, I know my limit.” Later on they sent a team to Stalin with a list to be chosen for some [high position.] This man was on the bottom. They told him he was the least distinguished, and Stalin chose him, saying “I chose this man cause he knows he knows his limits.” An interesting story. . . .
We then flew to Saudi Arabia to have Thanksgiving Day with our troops.
November 22nd
There is no way to adequately describe the moving time in the desert. We went first to greet the Air Force, then up to an Army base in the sand,41 then over by chopper to the USS Nassau in international waters where we had a nice prayer service for Thanksgiving on the deck: and finishing with the first Marines back in the desert.
. . . The kids were fantastic; it was an emotional day. I wasn’t sure I could get through the speeches, and I did choke up in the hangar, on the flight deck of Nassau at the Church service. The kids look so young and yet they are gung-ho. I had a long briefing on AF-I with Schwarzkopf,42 and I am convinced more than ever that we can knock Saddam Hussein out early. I’m worried that the American people might think this will be another Vietnam and it isn’t and it won’t be.
November 22, 1990
Fahd bin Abd al-Aziz Al Saud
Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques
King of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
Your Majesty,
We are 30 minutes out of Dhahran, heading for Cairo. But before any of the vivid memories that are now in my head and heart diminish, I want to send you this note of thanks.
First, thank you for the lovely evening at the Palace in Jeddah. The dinner was special, the hospitality superb, and I found our conversations to be extraordinarily useful and encouraging. I am proud that we are standing shoulder against Iraq’s evil dictator, Saddam Hussein.
My Thanksgiving today with our troops in the desert was very moving and very encouraging. Our troops are motivated and ready to do whatever is required. I hope this, plus the additional troops we are sending to the Kingdom, convince Saddam Hussein to give up, but personally I am inclined to doubt that.
In any event, General Schwarzkopf tells me of the superb cooperation he is receiving from your various officials, and I want to thank you for that, too.
Will you please convey my thanks and my respects to Crown Prince Abdullah, a man of strength whom I consider a friend.
To you, Your Majesty, my additional thanks for that beautiful present you gave me. The camels with the flags flying symbolize, for me, the United States of America and Saudi Arabia standing together.
My respects to you, Sir. Barbara joins me in thanking you from the bottom of our grateful hearts for a wonderful, but all too brief, visit.
Respectfully yours,
George Bush
[Before returning home, we visited Mubarak in Cairo and then had an unprecedented meeting with President Haffez al-Assad of Syria in Geneva. We had never been close, but on the issue of Saddam Hussein, we stood together.]
11-25-90 (at Camp David)
To: Brent
Subject: Questions re: Gulf Crisis
1. Exact Status of Iraqi Nuclear Capability
2. Best estimate now from Cheney and Powell as to how long it will take, once all forces there, to conquer Saddam.
3. The Embassy in Kuwait.
How to relieve it
How to call its plight to US public opinion.
4. How the scenario plays out in detail after UN Resolution43
What do we ask Congress to do if anything
When go to Congress if we decide to do that.
5. Getting the final word to Saddam.
Visit for General Scowcroft, other emissary . . .
6. Yemen—be careful on promising them AID
7. When and How to assure people This Is No Vi
et Nam very important.
8. If force is decided upon—
How notify innocents inside Iraq
How notify partners in Gulf
How notify Congress
9. A better ‘public diplomacy’ program.
November 29th
I’ve spent an hour writing out some comments for tomorrow when we are going to announce that I would see Aziz44 here and then I’ll send Jim Baker to Baghdad to see Saddam Hussein. This will be big news. There is some danger that the coalition will think we’re going “wobbly,” as Margaret would say, but we can do whatever diplomacy is required to see that that doesn’t happen. It will be the last extra step for peace. . . .
I believed strongly that the Constitution gave me the authority to send our troops into battle without Congress officially declaring war. However, I wanted to cover all the bases:
December 5, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR BOYDEN GRAY
THROUGH:
BRENT SCOWCROFT
FROM:
THE PRESIDENT
Boyden—
Please prepare for me a short analysis of the War Powers Resolution. . . . Without recognizing the constitutional validity of the War Powers Resolution, is there a way for the President to fulfill all his responsibilities to Congress by saying, a few days before any fighting was to begin, “hostilities are imminent—period!!
I am several thousand miles south,45 but these questions stay on my mind:
1. How do we fully involve Congress?
2. If we have to attack from a cold start how does the latest UN
Resolution impact on congress?
1. Is there something short of “declaring” war that satisfies Congress yet doesn’t risk tying the President’s hands?
All the Best, George Bush: My Life in Letters and Other Writings Page 53