“Meaning?” White asked as he glanced toward his sound engineer, who gave him the thumbs-up sign. The interview was being broadcast as a time-delay, with shots of the first atomic explosions superimposed on the screen.
“A cobalt bomb with a yield of one gigaton—a billion tons,” Robbins explained, “might conceivably set the world on fire and snuff out the very atmosphere we breathe. In which case, you win the war, but lose the world—so to speak.”
“Could the Israelis have a cobalt bomb?”White asked. Suddenly he realized that he had uncovered the real “ticking bomb” that every journalist dreams about.
“It’s very likely they have the technology,” Robbins answered as a frown formed on his face. “After all, the Jews have dominated the inner circle of nuclear technology for a long time. But I can’t believe that any rational human beings would use the cobalt bomb on another nation. It’s probably the dirtiest bomb ever devised.”
“By ‘dirty,’ you mean radioactive fallout?” White asked as he gave thumbs-up to his newscaster, who was readying a statement condemning Israel’s actions.
“Yes,” Robbins replied again. “A single cobalt bomb could make an area the size of Georgia uninhabitable for thousands of years. That is, if it didn’t kill us all.”
“Okay, thanks, buddy,”White said as he signaled the engineer to shut down the recorder.
Robbins knew he had said too much. He asked in an almost pleading tone, “Please don’t use any exact quotes. That whole project is still classified top-secret.”
“You got it, pal,”White soothed. I hate to stiff a friend; but such is the life of a newsman, he thought. Besides, it’s too late to do anything about it now.
Within ten minutes, agents from the FBI and the National Security Agency were escorting Colonel Robert Robbins out of his Pentagon office.
As the news networks began picking up the interview from WNN, there was an instant shift in the polls. More than 60 percent of Americans said they opposed Israel’s receiving any more aid from the United States, and 50 percent favored military action against Israel to keep them from using the cobalt bomb. Clearly the public sentiment was shifting against Israel.
The timing of the broadcast from Israel could not have been better if it had been choreographed. President Alton’s news briefing had already been scheduled for later that afternoon. Cal Rutland simply moved it up so that it would be telecast following the WNN broadcast with White’s Pentagon source.
At the briefing, President Alton announced that she was appointing Amir Razzak, a successful businessman and naturalized citizen from Israel, as special envoy to negotiate with the Israeli Knesset. The American and European media were reporting massive demonstrations against Israel. Anti-Semitism was growing throughout Europe as thousands of Jewish merchants had their businesses looted.
Amir Razzak stood beside President Alton in the Oval Office when she made the announcement. In the interests of security, only one representative from each of the various media was allowed to attend. As soon as the announcement was made, the networks began clamoring for more information on the Jewish immigrant to the U.S. who was given such a vital role to play in the world’s future. Carefully prepared information packets were distributed that outlined Razzak’s qualifications and background.
Amir Razzak was presented as a businessman who had been instrumental in helping to form an alliance between the U.S. and the Israelis that was satisfactory for the Arabs after the 2010 war.
Comments coming out of the Middle East made Razzak sound like the greatest negotiator since Dwight Eisenhower. With tensions running at an all-time high in Israel, Razzak was welcomed by the less radical factions there. Only Moshi Amitt, representing the Zealots, spoke out strongly against the U.S. emissary coming to the Middle East. He could see his position being eroded if another Jew, even a half Jew, were able to defuse the crisis. He didn’t have the slightest inkling of Razzak’s true identity. Amitt made a decision born out of desperation: He would launch the weapons on China as soon as possible. Israel would win the war and rule the world. He would rule Israel.
The Chinese continued to amass an army in Afghanistan. With more ground troops arriving daily, the number was estimated to be nearly two million armed men. Without heavy artillery support, they were little more than a show of force meant to intimidate the Israelis. But with heavy equipment on its way by rail, the Chinese would be capable of staging a full-scale invasion within two weeks. It was even rumored that Egyptian missiles were being equipped with nuclear warheads by the Germans, who relied heavily on the Japanese for their capital. These weapons would be used to neutralize the Israeli nuclear arsenal, if necessary, forcing them to negotiate.
The Israelis were being hemmed in from all sides and, like a cornered animal, they were most dangerous when their backs were against the wall.
Anti-Semitism was accelerating around the world. In Europe, anyone of Jewish ancestry was in danger of being mobbed, beaten, and even killed. In America, Israel’s longest ruling ally, Jewish merchants were attacked with the same ferocity that had been directed toward the Christians after the president was assassinated.
Even within the Israeli Army, sentiment against the Knesset was at a high pitch. The resignations of Estine and Klein had been followed by several of the military’s highest-ranking officers. These men and women who had led the Israelis so capably in the Middle East War against the Arabs had the confidence of the troops. But the average Israeli soldier had no such feelings about Amitt and the other religious leaders who were now running the country. The Fifth Israeli Armored Division simply refused to obey orders to move to the Iraqi border. Several of the officers who were leading the “strike” were arrested, tried, and executed by order of the Knesset. In protest, three more divisions refused to obey orders also. This time in a more militant state of mind, they challenged the leaders and formed defense groups, heavily armed, and spoiling for a fight.
Support for Amitt was fading rapidly within Israel. Unknown to him, the movement against Israel was well organized and well planned by the Society. Israel was to be a pawn in the chess game about to be played out on a worldwide scale, and the Society intended to control both sides of the issue.
20
THE BOMB
Moshi Amitt was scheduled to receive the new Washington emissary later that day. His sources had warned that Razzak was no one to be trifled with; he had tremendous authority and power within the American, as well as the Arab, governments. Well, Moshi Amitt said to himself, I also have power—perhaps more than any man alive. I have the doomsday bomb.
Six Israeli SX-14 missiles had been equipped with the only six cobalt bombs ever assembled. It had been no small task for the Mossad, the most feared secret police in the world, to steal the components from the U.S. arsenal nearly twenty years earlier. At first the Americans feared that a terrorist group had stolen the weapons, but when the bombs were never seen again, the secret went undisclosed.
Now Israel had the bombs, and Amitt intended to use them. After the two intended for the Chinese and the Iraqis, he would use the remaining four missiles to dictate his terms to the rest of the world. His terms would be simple enough: All the Arabs would be relocated to Europe and America. The Middle East would be the land of the Jews again. And he, Moshi Amitt, would be the leader of the Jews.
In the office of Levi Klein, former minister of defense, a hasty meeting had been called to address the latest crisis facing Israel.
“General Klein, do you realize that Amitt has ordered the six cobalt bombs to be mated to our latest SX-14 missiles?” Jerome Facimadi, the provincial head of the Mossad, literally screamed.
“I suspected it,” Klein said wearily. “He is mad with power and his own self-righteousness. He would kill a billion innocent people to accomplish his own insane goals.”
“We must stop him!” Facimadi demanded.
“Then have the Mossad kill him,” Klein said angrily as he poured himself another glass of wine. “I ca
n do nothing now.” He took a sip of the sparkling red wine and commented, “The vineyards in the desert do produce the best wines. At least the wonders of modern science have produced something worthwhile. The desert is once again blooming.”
“You know we cannot kill Amitt,” Facimadi replied in a more subdued tone. “He is the holy man to millions of Jews. It would rip our country apart.”
“Then let him launch his bombs,” Klein muttered, as he put the glass of wine down and slumped wearily into his chair. “Perhaps Israel will rule the world as he says.”
“Or perhaps Israel will destroy the world,” Facimadi countered.
“What of this Razzak?” Klein asked as he reviewed the Mossad report. “Can he be of any assistance?”
“The sentiment against America is running very high,” Facimadi replied with a frown. “It is reported that there is a general roundup of Jews going on in America.”
“I thought it was a roundup of Christians,” Klein said in surprise as he leaned forward. What he feared most for his people was a worldwide anti-Jewish uprising.
“It started with just Christians, but now they are detaining all the Jews too.”
“Ah, it was acceptable as long as it was someone else,” Klein said with disgust. “Just like it was in Germany with Hilter. We Jews never learn from our mistakes, do we? The Jews are always on the list. Sometimes first, sometimes second, but always on the list.”
Facimadi frowned at this friend’s comment. It was too correct to dispute.
“Talk to this Razzak. Perhaps he will be able to help with Amitt, though I fear Amitt is drunk with power and nothing will stop him except death.”
Even while the two Israeli leaders were trying to sort out their options, Amir Razzak was meeting with Moshi Amitt. Razzak was not seeking a compromise from Amitt. In fact, the exact opposite was true. His plan required that the Jewish zealot reject all options except force.
The first meeting with Amitt went better than Razzak could have hoped for. His people within the Society in Israel had chosen Amitt very well. He took Razzak’s demands as an affront to his position.
Razzak had demanded that Israel release the oil it had taken from the Saudis and dismantle the cobalt bombs.“If you do not,” he had said,“you can expect swift retaliation from the United States.”
Amitt had ranted for nearly thirty minutes about how he would see the United States humbled and begging at Israel’s door for the oil to keep their children warm. Razzak had again warned the radical rabbi that America was quite capable of neutralizing Israel’s forces. At that point Amitt had stormed out of the meeting, shouting, “We will see who disarms whom!”
Amitt hurried directly to the Gobi Missile Command Center housing the SX-14s. The officer in charge was a young man who had been captain until the revolts erupted within the Israeli army. Since that time he had demonstrated his absolute loyalty to the Knesset and had been promoted to the temporary rank of full colonel. Amitt addressed him: “Colonel Shuman, do you accept the destiny of Israel to rule the world one day and defeat the infidels who would deny our very right to exist?”
“Yes, Rabbi, I do.”
“Then you must order the launch of one of our newly equipped SX-14 missiles on the infidel nation of China immediately. Can you do it?”
“Yes, Rabbi,” the young soldier gasped. “But are you sure that . . .”
Amitt cut him off. “I’m sure that God has appointed me to defend our nation. Even now I believe the Americans are planning to attack Israel. We must demonstrate both our weapons and our resolve to use them.”
“But we need more tests, Rabbi . . .”
“We must launch quickly!”Amitt screamed, waving his hands wildly. “If we wait, the traitors will find a way to destroy our weapons. There are traitors even within the army, as you well know.”
“Yes, Rabbi, but I don’t know if we are ready . . .”
“God is on our side,” Amitt shrieked, his face so red the young officer feared he might have a stroke. “He is always ready. Launch the weapon on our enemies! Do you have the means to do it?”
“Yes, Rabbi,” the ashen colonel responded. “We are running the systems’ tests now. We will have to connect the firing circuits to the warhead and install the destruct ordnance.”
“There is no time to install the destruct system. The missile will fly true. Arm the bomb!”
“Yes, Rabbi,” the young colonel said as he hurried out. He felt a cold chill as he thought about the awesome weapon they were about to unleash. Without the destruct system, it would be truly in God’s hands, since they would have no means of destroying it once it left the underground silo.
Amitt ordered the entire battalion of soldiers protecting the installation to seal off the missile complex from the outside. Only a nuclear bomb could penetrate their defenses. He allowed the colonel twenty-four hours to prepare the missile. “Then,” he ordered, “the countdown is to commence.” In exactly twenty-seven hours the first doomsday bomb will be flying toward the infidels, he thought. Then for the Americans . . .
Amitt’s actions in sealing off the missile complex signaled the start of irreversible events to the Israeli leaders who opposed his actions.
Facimadi had returned to his Mossad headquarters when he received word of the latest activities at the Gobi complex. He placed a hurried call to General Klein at his office.
“Yes, Jerome?” Klein said after his secretary transferred the call to his home. “What is it now?”
“Amitt is going to launch a bomb!” the normally self-controlled Mossad leader shouted into the receiver.
Klein sat up in bed. He knew his friend would never violate security procedures by discussing such information by phone, unless it was a severe crisis. They had often been through life-threatening situations, and Facimadi had always responded exactly according to the book before.
“Explain!” Klein commanded, as he bolted out of bed.
“The missile facility at Gobi has been sealed off: Amitt is inside. They have gone on internal power and cut of all communications to the outside. I believe he is going to launch a missile!”
“But why? Why now?” Klein asked in disbelief, as he tried to sort through his options. Had Amitt really gone mad?
“He had a meeting with the American emissary, Razzak,” Facimadi replied. “The American told him they would not allow Israel to launch an attack on the Chinese. According to my sources, Amitt went crazy; he is truly insane.”
“What are the options?” Klein asked, suddenly feeling weary to the bone.
“Not many,” Facimadi replied, as he reviewed the latest intelligence reports. “And none of them good. We could never storm the complex. It is well-guarded and practically impenetrable from the ground.”
“What about shooting the missile down as it leaves the silo?” Klein suggested.
“My people tell me that the bombs will be armed once they are launched. It is possible that the cobalt bomb will go off if the missile is destroyed in flight.”
“You mean they have not installed the fail-safes?” Klein asked incredulously.
“Apparently not. Amitt ordered the launch before the safety systems could be installed. The only fail-safe will be the barometric sensors. But destroying the missile could confuse the sensors and initiate an explosion.”
“So what do you suggest, my friend?”
“We have no choice but to wait and hope that Amitt is only bluffing. If he attempts to launch a missile, I will ask the Americans to destroy the site with nuclear weapons.”
“You mean bomb our people with nuclear weapons?” Klein asked in disbelief.
“What other choices do we have? If we allow Amitt and his fanatics to continue, they will destroy the entire world. At least in the Gobi the damage will be isolated to a remote area.”
“But what about the fallout? It will kill millions.”
“The Americans have neutron bombs in Europe. They have never admitted it, but we know they have them. We wi
ll ask them to saturate the complex with these weapons. At the very least, they will disable the electronics for the launch systems.”
“And kill all the Israelis inside the complex and those guarding the facility?”
“Unfortunately that is true. I would estimate the casualties at ten thousand,” Facimadi said grimly.
“What makes you think the Americans would consent to do such a thing?” Klein asked.
“Because we have already announced to the press what Amitt has in mind. We also told them that the United States is next on his list of targets. Razzak has assured me that the U.S. will retaliate swiftly rather than be blackmailed by Amitt.”
“You do realize what this will mean to Israel?” Klein asked sadly, as visions of world reaction flooded his mind. “We will cease to be a totally sovereign nation. The world will demand our adherence to international rule.”
“It is still better than becoming the butchers of the world,” Facimadi said as he reached to disconnect the line. Perhaps it is time we admitted that it is we who are attempting to become the master race today, he thought as he dialed the number he had been given to reach the American emissary.
As CIA reports of the actions at the Gobi missile complex flooded in to the secretary of defense, they were immediately forwarded to the office of President Alton, where her press secretary, Mary Foust, was putting the finishing touches on a press release outlining the threat Israel posed to America. In her impromptu press meeting, the president stressed the point that her ambassador, Amir Razzak, had done everything possible to convince the Israeli government to dismantle the so-called doomsday bombs and seek a peaceful solution to their dispute with the Chinese. But the Israeli leader, Moshi Amitt, had threatened to use the weapons on the United States if the U.S. interfered.
Later, the new secretary of defense had taken the podium to explain that the Israeli SX-14 missiles had a range of seven thousand miles and were fully capable of reaching targets in the United States.
The Illuminati Page 23