16 FEBRUARY 1990
The Prime Minister has exploded to Douglas Hurd about press stories earlier this week about relations between No. 10 and the FCO, saying that she is all the sadder since she regarded relations between us as ‘particularly good’. According to Stephen Wall, she went on to make complimentary remarks about me, saying that the trouble was with ‘those under him’ (i.e. quite a lot of people!).
19 FEBRUARY 1990
More press coverage today on the PM’s anti-German speech to the Board of Deputies of British Jews. When I had to talk to Julian Bullard this afternoon, to discourage him from accepting an invitation to appear on Panorama with Gordievsky, he asked me: ‘Can’t you stop her talking about Germany?’ Douglas Hurd takes a realistic and sensible view, pointing out to me today that she has in fact moved quite a long way in her views. Her meeting with Genscher last week seems to have helped a bit, though Kohl is still her real bête noire.
20 FEBRUARY 1990
I lunched at the European Commission offices, chaired by John Drew. The department have a fairly low opinion of his effectiveness, but it can’t be easy running an office in the knowledge that the Prime Minister has the lowest opinion of your organisation (and I should know!).
Douglas Hurd spent today in Dublin, wrestling with sanctions, on which we are isolated in our wish to lift the investment ban on South Africa. Ironically, this is one case in which the Prime Minister is criticised for being too flexible; the press continue to attack her for her inflexibility over Germany. The Germans themselves have got into confusion over the future of German troops in East Germany, with Genscher and the Defence Minister contradicting each other publicly.
21 FEBRUARY 1990
My hearing before the Foreign Affairs Committee went fairly smoothly, and was cut short by Ted Heath’s fortieth anniversary lunch, to which all the Conservative members were going – as did his arch-rival Margaret Thatcher. The Times correspondent later told News Department that the hearing was not newsworthy ‘since Sir Patrick was so open with the committee. There is only news when mandarins are obviously trying to hide things.’
22 FEBRUARY 1990
I gave lunch to Simon Barrington-Ward, the Bishop of Coventry and Prelate of the Order of St Michael and St George, of which I am ex-officio secretary. He has been engaged in some pretty direct and critical correspondence with ministers about sanctions for South Africa. After I had given Simon William Waldegrave’s similarly hard-hitting reply, he told me he found himself in a slightly awkward position, leading a Southern African Group; but he assured me that he was not just a ‘trendy lefty’. He is an extremely nice and intelligent man (who apparently, like Tony Lloyd, competed with Douglas Hurd for all the prizes at Eton), and a convinced and scholarly Hegelian (which interested me, since I had always understood that the Warden of Merton, Geoffrey Mure, was one of ‘the last Hegelians’).
23 FEBRUARY 1990
A meeting of DUSs, mainly to discuss immigration and visa policy. We reached general agreement that we may have to adopt a more selective policy (like the Australians, Canadians and Americans), designed to attract more skilled migrants. The single market and open frontiers in the Community are already posing some formidable problems for our immigration policy and visa control, particularly since we rely much less on post-entry control than others. Compulsory identity cards may well have to be introduced. An FCO poll last year seemed to belie the widespread assumption that this would be widely unpopular – a point I have always found difficult to understand, in days when we carry identification in the form of credit and debit cards, security passes and driving licences.
Hermann von Richthofen called to deliver Genscher’s bread-and-butter letter after his visit last week, having been instructed to do so at the highest level – clearly a deliberate attempt to counter press stories here and in Bonn of an Anglo-German row. Hermann was very insistent (in marked contrast to von Ploetz at the NATO Council yesterday) that the Germans were keen to consult their friends and allies on the ‘external’ implications of reunification – a phrase deliberately designed to exclude the future disposition of the Bundeswehr, on which Genscher made some unhelpful remarks this week, in contradiction to his defence colleague, Stoltenberg. I rather formally gave Hermann the text of Douglas Hurd’s speech in the House of Commons yesterday, asking him to report it to Bonn.
The Cabinet-Secretary-designate for Namibia (Mbumba), called on me today and asked for a quick resume of what a Foreign Service is and does, which I tried to give him in half an hour!
27 FEBRUARY 1990
Douglas Hurd used his ministerial meeting this morning to talk about Germany and the Prime Minister’s idea of using the CSCE to reassure the Poles. Andrew Wood has reported from Washington that Bob Blackwill’s account of the President’s reactions to his long conversation with the PM last weekend shows that Bush seems to have become seriously alarmed by the impression that the PM somehow regards the Russians as a bulwark against the Germans. He is also said to be worried by anti-British feeling in Germany, even to the extent of wondering whether Kohl would agree to Britain being included in the ‘2+4’ talks. This is probably an exaggeration, but a sad reflection on the extent of current distrust between Thatcher and Kohl. The PM continues to air her worries about Germany with all and sundry.
A meeting today of my board of management, discussing the possible need to close posts, e.g. in Panama City. But all closures carry heavy penalties, and even closing subsidiary posts raises storms of protest. In the short term, they do not even save money, and we have often – e.g. in Stuttgart – found ourselves needing to reopen after a few years.
I also found that the threat to close posts carried less and less credibility with ministers. [Many years later, Malcolm Rifkind told one of my successors, John Coles, that, as Defence Secretary, he had kept a list in his desk of all the threats made by the chiefs of staff to close down regiments, or even regimental bands. (It used to be said that the last shot in their locker was to abolish the marine band – to which, unfortunately, I could wield no similar threat for foreign secretaries.) Malcolm swore that none of these threats had ever been fulfilled.]
1 MARCH 1990
The government is in increasing difficulty over the poll tax, Hong Kong right of abode, trade figures etc. Douglas Hurd, who is in Budapest this morning, has faced virtual revolt in his constituency over the poll tax.
Jim Callaghan telephoned me about his visit to Portugal next week and commented (as others have done) on the amount of travel Douglas is doing: ‘I know he’s a young man, but he’ll kill himself if he’s not careful – you tell him to slow down.’
2 MARCH 1990
I called on Lord Brabazon for one of our regular talks, covering (among other things) homosexuality, on which I have now minuted recommending a switch to home civil service regulations – i.e. considering positive vetting on a case-by-case basis, and no longer an automatic bar. Brabazon looked doubtful and has minuted to Douglas Hurd, rather infelicitously saying he thinks we should ‘stand firm’. I doubt whether Douglas will be ready to consider a change of policy, but Frank Berman, the deputy legal adviser, has interestingly pointed out to me that my arguments that security considerations did not any longer justify our policy could put the service in breach of the law, since our only justification would then be discrimination on the basis of sexual preference.
I had a private word today with Douglas Hurd about William Waldegrave’s relations with Lynda Chalker, warning him that they could complicate the already difficult functioning of the Knowhow Fund.
Francis Maude has made a bit of an ass of himself this week by briefing the press on the FCO’s ‘coup’ in getting other countries to provide a safety net for Hong Kong. This produced headlines in the Daily Mail, most unusually crediting great skill and success to FCO ministers and officials. Douglas Hurd had to issue a comment saying that the story was ‘a bit premature’ – sadly, it has no foundation at all.
The government are still facin
g real problems over Hong Kong, and the Prime Minister is now said to be having second thoughts about the Nationality Package – on the grounds that it includes such people as ‘artists’ and ‘social workers’! But the government otherwise is in a mess, with the leak of Peter Walker’s imminent retirement yesterday, and the prospect of a diametric reversal in the East Staffordshire by-election. So a defeat on the Nationality Package for Hong Kong (with eighty Tories seriously threatening to vote against it) could be very damaging.
6 MARCH 1990
Chatham House has invited senior civil servants, including Robin Butler and myself, to take part in a poll on attitudes towards the United States. Robin thinks it would be very difficult for us to accept, even anonymously, since it is bound to lead to civil servants commenting on policy. I agree, and discussed it frankly with Jim Eberle this afternoon. It would look fairly odd if the poll result concluded that the most senior civil servants thought that the special relationship had come to an end.
8 MARCH 1990
Two birthdays today: Douglas Hurd (sixty) and Nancy Caccia (eighty). I sent Douglas a card, reminding him that, in other circumstances, he would have retired today, and wishing him many more years in the service.
I have received a ridiculous instruction from ministers that we should strengthen our embassy in Nicaragua. I shall have to tell Douglas Hurd how we have to shift resources; there simply are not enough people to go round.
9 MARCH 1990
Alan Donald called, back from China for the heads of mission conference. I got out the atlas (à la Yes, Minister) to look at the map of China with him. He is concerned that we have virtually all our manpower in Peking, in the far north of the country, and none – apart from six people in Shanghai – in the economically important central areas, or in Canton.
Rumours today of a Conservative putsch against Margaret Thatcher, and of her early retirement later this year – causing a drop in sterling and denials from the party (by Geoffrey Howe – how he must hate doing it!).
12 MARCH 1990
A weekend of activity over the Iranian journalist Bazoft, who was sentenced to death on Saturday by Baghdad. Douglas Hurd has decided to fly to Baghdad en route to Oman next week, provided we can be sure that the Iraqis have not carried out the execution before he gets there. But it is a formidable political risk. I discussed it with Jim Callaghan this evening, recalling his flight to Kampala to release Denis Hills.
John Kerr reported to my morning meeting this morning on the Bretton Woods-type negotiations in Paris to set up a European Bank of Reconstruction and Development, commenting that by far the worst negotiators were the Americans, who arrive with their proposals already approved by the President and Congress, and say they cannot budge from them. Even the Russians, Czechs and Hungarians were far more skilful negotiators.
13 MARCH 1990
An early ministerial meeting, at which I warned them about our shortfall in running costs and manpower, particularly first secretaries – and referring specifically to Francis Maude’s request for ‘three or four good first secretaries’ to form a Special Unit on the presentation of our community policies. I also warned them that we are going to need a very large PESC bid this year.
I then attended a long meeting with Douglas Hurd and officials on community enlargement and subsidiarity. There was general agreement that we should adopt a positive attitude towards EFTA and East European Enlargement, but present it in a way to counter accusations that we are merely trying to weaken the community, while others (e.g. the French and the Dutch) are trying to federalise it.
I attended a meeting with Ivon Brabazon and others on homosexuality, concluding that, for presentational and procedural reasons, any change will have to come from the Security Commission, and that Douglas Hurd should be advised to ask the Commission to look at the question again. This will require the Prime Minister’s agreement, which may well kill the whole initiative stone dead. We also concluded that ideally we should carry the MOD and the intelligence agencies with us. First indications from the Secret Intelligence Service are positive.
14 MARCH 1990
Douglas Hurd gave me today an account of his talk with the PM about top appointments, which had gone about as disastrously as was possible. The only points worth recording here are that she objected to almost every single proposal carefully worked out by John Boyd and myself; raised the idea of Robin Leigh-Pemberton as ambassador to Washington (presumably on the analogy of Lord Cromer); and very privately aired the thought that Geoffrey Howe might need a diplomatic post (unspecified). Douglas claimed that she had again spoken very warmly about me, saying that she always liked meeting me, and that she admired my sense of ‘fair play’. She also complained – believe it or not – that she did not see enough of FCO officials, at which Stephen Wall and I nearly exploded! She also shows constant signs of wanting to extend people beyond sixty (though not me, apparently!), and even talked of extending Antony Acland yet again.
15 MARCH 1990
The Iraqis hanged Farzad Bazoft this morning, having invited the embassy to be represented. Robin Kealy did not actually witness the hanging; but he spent the last half hour with Bazoft, receiving messages for his family, The Observer, Saddam Hussein and others.
I attended a short meeting with ministers and the Middle Easterners to discuss Douglas Hurd’s statement in the House this afternoon. David Gore-Booth angered Douglas by arguing that Saddam Hussein probably believed that Bazoft was a spy, and had a genuine suspicion of the British. In a curious, and untypical, flash of temper, Douglas said this was ridiculous, and that ‘we should never have allowed Saddam Hussein to rule Iraq’ – a remark that would have confirmed all Saddam’s suspicions of British colonialism! Ministers nevertheless successfully resisted demands to chuck out the Iraqi ambassador, and to cut off credits etc. – all of which would have damaged our interests more than theirs.
16 MARCH 1990
Robert Armstrong told me today that Marie Palliser had never got over Michael’s non-peerage. He recalled an incident in Cabinet when virtually no one in the House of Lords had defended some move by the government, at which Margaret Thatcher had exploded with the words: ‘I knew I was right to stop giving peerages to ex-bureaucrats’ – at which point she had turned to Robert and added: ‘Except, of course, to my Cabinet Secretary.’ I told Robert that I firmly assumed that neither I nor Antony Acland would get one.
[Three years after my retirement, I was offered, and accepted, a peerage by John Major. When I paid my courtesy call on the Clerk of Parliaments, he told me that when Margaret Thatcher had paid a similar call, Denis Greenhill had put his head round the door. This had provoked her into saying proudly: ‘At least that is one thing I managed to stop; peerages for permanent under-secretaries of the Foreign Office.’]
The Lord Mayor of London, Hugh Bidwell, called on William Waldegrave today to discuss my idea that the City of London might sponsor a British School in Prague (after Havel had spoken lyrically to William, during his visit to Prague, about the old English Grammar School which Czechs of his generation had fought to attend). I am not sure if Hugh Bidwell will take it up, and there was no opportunity to pursue it further when we dined at the Mansion House this evening.
19 MARCH 1990
William Waldegrave chaired the ministerial meeting this morning in Douglas Hurd’s absence in South Africa. The discussion was mainly on Germany (where the East German elections have produced a superb triumph for the CDU and Helmut Kohl); Lithuania (where the FCO are under criticism from both sides for either being too enthusiastic about independence, or not enough – one article in The Independent actually managed to criticise us on both scores); and the Bazoft case. It emerged today that Customs and Excise intend to arrest two Iraqis tomorrow. I have been asked to contact the Home Office and Brian Unwin at Customs and Excise, to persuade them not to oppose bail.
20 MARCH 1990
I managed to persuade both Clive Whitmore at the Home Office and Brian Unwin at Customs and Exc
ise that the two Iraqis should be deported, rather than put on trial.
William Waldegrave asked to see me urgently today to consult me on a point about Lithuania, but also to ask for my view on a request from President Havel (conveyed by Harold Pinter) that he should see Salman Rushdie during his visit, and be filmed doing so. I pointed out that the timing could not be worse, with a spate of recent statements from Iran that they want to release their hostages; and that pictures of Havel with Rushdie could expose the Czechs to security threats. William thinks he has since persuaded Pinter that the meeting can be organised, provided there is no publicity. Special Branch is apparently happy to take Rushdie to the embassy.
21 MARCH 1990
William Waldegrave told me, on his return from Heathrow to greet Havel, that he had failed to convince him that any meeting with Salman Rushdie should be unpublicised, and asked me to try again today. I later deployed three arguments based on a) the security of Rushdie himself; b) Czech security; and c) the fate of the hostages (pointing out that we had received more forthcoming messages than ever). Havel appeared to agree; but when Special Branch approached the embassy to fix up a meeting for tomorrow, the Czech diplomat concerned (possibly the new seventy-year-old ambassador Duda) had a fit, and said he would strongly advise Havel not to bring Rushdie to the embassy!
Behind Diplomatic Lines Page 21