At my bilateral with Douglas Hurd today, I discussed the anomaly of a Minister of State having responsibility for Ireland, and got his agreement that we should ask Tristan Garel-Jones to take it on. When I saw Tristan later, he made it clear that he would only do it with the greatest reluctance and distaste. I later discovered that he had been a very close friend of Ian Gow.
Press stories broke yesterday on the NAO (National Audit Office) report on the FCO accounts, on which I have to appear before the PAC in early March. Douglas Hurd is put out not to have been forewarned. I had in fact mentioned it briefly to him at one of his ministerial meetings, but had fully briefed Caithness instead.
7 FEBRUARY 1991
I was about to invite Geoffrey Adams in for a farewell chat and coffee when a violent explosion shook the building, caused by two mortars landing on the green outside my office, and a major explosion in the Downing Street garden, smashing three of my office windows, with one frame badly damaged. The police prevented me from leaving the building, thereby causing me to miss my first credentials of the year (for Malta).
8 FEBRUARY 1991
Douglas Hurd seems to have obtained an impressively quick commitment from Kuwait for £650 million – only a little less than the entire FCO budget!
12 FEBRUARY 1991
I lunched with Tony Fanshawe at the House of Lords. He was lyrical about Douglas Hurd, whom he described as the best Foreign Secretary since Curzon. He also referred to an interview which Mark Lennox-Boyd had given in the House Magazine, describing it as a disgraceful attack on the service. When I later told Mark that I had been sad to read it, since I thought he had missed an opportunity to destroy some of the myths surrounding the service, he told me he thought he had defended the office!
I later saw a piece by Ian Aitken in The Guardian, referring to it as a very unusual ministerial attack on his own department, and saying that Mrs Thatcher, who is widely known to hate the Foreign Office, could hardly have done better.
13 FEBRUARY 1991
I have discussed with Malcolm Caithness whether he would take on responsibility for Northern Ireland, having frankly explained Garel-Jones’s reluctance. He agreed to think about it, but pointed out that his wife is related to the O’Neills, and that he had promised her that if he was ever offered the job of Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, he would turn it down.
I asked Douglas Hurd if there is any background to press stories that Margaret Thatcher might go to Washington as ambassador. He totally rejected it, but said that John Major is worried about her, and thinks that someone should think of a role for her, e.g. chairing a second Brandt Commission.
14 FEBRUARY 1991
I discussed with Lord Caithness proposals from Amman and Riyadh that they should have rest and recreation facilities, either to Cyprus or to the UK, for the duration of the Gulf crisis. He has reservations about the idea (on the grounds that unfavourable comparisons might be drawn with the troops).
18 FEBRUARY 1991
David Hannay called, having just called on John Major, whom he found very reasonable and sensible on the need to persuade the Americans to involve the United Nations in post-war settlements; but he had been horrified by the line taken by Charles Powell, who was thoroughly obstructive and Thatcherite. Unfortunately, Baker has twice succeeded in blocking third-world activity at the UN by sheer bull-headedness. Not an easy situation to cope with.
Robin Butler had a private word with me about a proposal that Mrs Thatcher might become chairman of the British Council. I discouraged Robin from raising this with the Prime Minister until I had run it past Douglas Hurd; but I warned him that Dick Francis had thought that both Richard Luce and Tim Raison were ‘too political’ for the chairmanship, and that Mrs Thatcher would surely be a case of ‘a fortiori’. I wouldn’t envy the accounting officer if she got it; she would spend all her time trying, and probably succeeding, to get more money for the Council, and less for the FCO.
Lunch at No. 10 for President Zhelev of Bulgaria, who is making a spectacular gesture of reconciliation by visiting Georgi Markov’s grave in Dorset later this week (see p. 254, above). At a lunch for President Zhelev the next day, I sat next to Ludzhov, the Deputy Minister responsible for Bulgaria’s Security and Intelligence Services, who virtually admitted Bulgarian guilt over Markov’s death, and was sure that an inquest would produce conclusive evidence.
19 FEBRUARY 1991
A flurry of work today on Gorbachev’s proposals presented to Tariq Aziz in Moscow yesterday, and delivered to the Americans, the French and ourselves late last night. Douglas Hogg, standing in for Douglas Hurd, held a briefing meeting before OPD(G), where ministers got down to a detailed drafting session to produce a message for the Prime Minister to send to Bush. Ministers quickly decided to call for Patrick Fairweather – a ludicrous illustration of the folly of omitting officials from the ministerial committee.
20 FEBRUARY 1991
There are now real signs of the Iraqis crumbling, and some fascinating reports of Saddam’s colleagues advising him to call it a day. Tariq Aziz has arrived back in Moscow apparently bearing a positive message, though there was a very belligerent and negative speech from Saddam Hussein this afternoon.
I used Robin Butler’s meeting this afternoon to air my unhappiness at our failure to use the embassy in Washington properly. Robin seemed astonished that there was still a problem, and thought the Prime Minister was unaware of this. I told the meeting that Antony was still only allowed to be told the details of Charles Powell’s exchanges with Scowcroft on condition that he does not reveal his knowledge of them to the Americans, or to Andrew Wood.
A splendid row is raging over the Pergau Dam project in Malaysia (see p. 95, above), for which both the ODA and the DTI want to withhold the financial assistance which was earlier promised to Mahathir by Mrs Thatcher after long discussions (and an accounting officer’s minute from Tim Lankester). Douglas Hurd has decided to write to No. 10 pointing out that it would cause severe problems if we went back on Mrs Thatcher’s promises. No. 10 has replied that they agree, and the Treasury are livid – feeling, with some justification, that they have been bounced. Douglas is quite unapologetic, and has instructed that any complaints about non-consultation should be directed at No. 10. I now have an extremely grumpy letter from Peter Middleton to answer.
21 FEBRUARY 1991
Douglas Hurd’s ministerial meeting today was attended, for the first time, by Edward Bickham, his newish special adviser, who also attended my morning meeting today.
22 FEBRUARY 1991
A short statement from President Bush today, announcing a 24-hour deadline for the Iraqis to start withdrawing.
24 FEBRUARY 1991
The deadline having expired yesterday afternoon, the ground war against Iraq started early this morning. There has been very little resistance so far, though the main operation has been a wide sweep northwards by the French and US forces, to encircle Kuwait. British forces moved this afternoon, but no reports yet of how they have fared.
Large numbers of Iraqi prisoners are giving themselves up, filmed singing and rejoicing on TV this evening. I telephoned the emergency unit to suggest that ITN should be reminded that frontal photographs of POWs are a breach of the Vienna Convention.
Virginia and I lunched at Chevening – the Hurds’ farewell for Henry Catto. Also there were two of the Hurd children, Jessica and Philip; when they were told we were coming, they apparently asked about Virginia: ‘Does she have no hair too?’ (a reference to my alopecia, acquired in Damascus in 1981).
25 FEBRUARY 1991
Another day of apparent success in the land campaign, with thousands of prisoners being taken, and no British casualties (though the first Iraqi scud to hit a military target in Saudi Arabia has killed twenty US soldiers).
I suggested to Douglas Hurd that he should send a message to David Hannay to tell him that President Bush had spoken very warmly of him – a welcome contrast to Baker’s criticism of the Pickering/Hannay
axis in New York.
26 FEBRUARY 1991
Radio Baghdad this morning announced Iraq’s acceptance of UN Security Council Resolution (SCR) 660, and that the Iraqi Army are starting to withdraw from Kuwait. This was followed by an extraordinary speech from Saddam Hussein, which my friend, the Kuwaiti ambassador, described as ‘meaningless’. Since Allied forces are now deep inside Iraqi territory, I have suggested that ministers should reiterate that we have no territorial claims on Iraq, and that we do not want to see any border changes. Tom King included a good passage in his statement this afternoon.
27 FEBRUARY 1991
The Gulf War drew to its close today, with successive Iraqi statements accepting all twelve SCRs.
28 FEBRUARY 1991
President Bush announced this morning that all offensive action in the Gulf had ceased. Sadly, there was a horrific mishap today when nine British soldiers were killed by a misguided US air attack. Otherwise, there have been an astonishing number of dogs that did not bark: no chemical weapons attacks; virtually no attacks, or even demonstrations, against British official premises; hardly any sign of the threatened Iraqi terrorist activity; the total collapse of the famed Iraqi Republican Guard Forces; and remarkable cohesion between the military and the politicians among the coalition forces. The only negative surprises so far are that a) the Syrian forces eventually did nothing; and b) Saddam Hussein is still there.
At lunchtime, I attended Mark Lennox-Boyd’s meeting for minority MPs, though only Northern Ireland and Liberal Democrats turned up. Mark put on an unimpressive performance, repeating some of his canards about the FCO’s failure to understand domestic politics.
I told Douglas Hurd this evening that the Trade Union Side had written a letter of protest to Mark about his interview in the House Magazine. Douglas virtually said that it served him right and would teach him that ‘not everyone appreciates his sense of humour’.
At our bilateral this evening, Douglas Hurd confirmed that he would like junior ministers involved in the tactics of the PESC round (both Tristan Garel-Jones and Malcolm Caithness are itching to be involved). He also agreed that I should drop the idea of any junior minister supervising Irish affairs, Caithness having decided that he could not do it, and I having persuaded Tristan Garel-Jones that he should do it after all. I agreed with Douglas that it would not be satisfactory to have anyone doing it as reluctantly as Tristan would.
1 MARCH 1991
At the DUSs’ lunch, there was some talk about the Treasury’s insensitivity towards burden-sharing, on which David Mellor is running into trouble. No. 10 has already issued one implied rebuke, recording the PM’s views that the Yamamah project should continue to be dealt with sensitively.
4 MARCH 1991
The Russians have been extraordinarily cooperative in the past few days, with Vorontsov working helpfully with the other permanent four; the Cubans must feel thoroughly let down, with no support for any of their spoiling amendments to SCRs.
First day back to normal hours. In contrast to the congratulations we have received on the FCO’s role during the Gulf War, I received no congratulations during a gruelling and bruising two-hour session with the Public Accounts Committee this afternoon. I had a very difficult case to defend, as the NAO report had not only turned up two major computer failures, but also a host of clerical inefficiencies and inexperience. All the committee members were extremely rough, with one even asking if I had considered resignation. My only potential ally, Michael Latham (who had telephoned me yesterday to give me covert insight into the committee’s brief), was not there.
5 MARCH 1991
Only The Times carried any account of my PAC hearing, though David Martin told me that my confrontation with Campbell-Savours had been on breakfast TV. John Bourne telephoned me to say he thought I had been entirely right to admit the FCO’s errors. Michael Morris (a member of the committee) also telephoned me and sympathised, advising me to pursue Price Waterhouse for a reduction of fees.
I later telephoned the managing partner of Price Waterhouse, Howard Hughes, who made no commitment, but was politely appreciative of the extent to which I had tried to deflect criticism from them.
6 MARCH 1991
Ministers are beginning to focus on subjects other than Iraq; both Douglas Hurd and I sent messages to the service to thank them for their work.
I attended the last meeting of Robin Butler’s group, during which we drank champagne, and I recited a limerick to celebrate the event, to which Percy Cradock produced a brilliant rejoinder. Both are reproduced, with a slight inaccuracy, in Peter Hennessy’s The Prime Minister. The original versions are as follows:
Robin Butler, preparing for doom,
Gathered mandarins round to his room;
As he switched on the light,
He said, ‘Let’s get this right,
Who says what, and on what, and to whom?’
To which Sir Percy replied:
‘Dear Robin,’ the mandarins said,
‘There are records that cannot be read;
There are letters as well
Of which no man can tell,
And which all must be kept in the head.’
‘And from this the conclusion is stark,
That we all must remain in the dark,
While our masters decide
Without pilot or guide,
Who does what, and to whom, in Iraq.’
A bilateral with Douglas Hurd this afternoon. When I started to talk about public expenditure, he nearly went to sleep – a clear indication of how he is basically uninterested in the financial procedures of Whitehall.
8 MARCH 1991
I went to farewell drinks in the emergency unit, which closes this evening. Quiet Dunkirk spirit all round, with people obviously going to miss the camaraderie of the unit. One or two who had also served in the Falklands Unit pointed out the odd coincidence that both crises had broken out on the second day of a month beginning with A.
A disastrous dinner last night between the Prime Minister and Jacques Delors, who launched into an attack on British policies towards the Community, with what Charles Powell described in the record as ‘staggering ineptitude’ towards a Prime Minister who is trying to pull our attitudes towards the Community in a positive direction. Delors seem to have got hold of some idea that we are engaged in a murky plot with the Germans and the French to undermine him; I should think he will now have achieved it!
11 MARCH 1991
I called on Tristan Garel-Jones this morning. He takes a childish pleasure in thinking up ideas that will shock his fellow ministers or civil servants; but he is quite fun. I tried to talk him out of the idea he is peddling of swapping the residences in Brussels. I also told him that Douglas Hurd would almost certainly want to involve him in the tactics of the PESC round before the bidding letter goes in to the Treasury in May.
12 MARCH 1991
Yesterday’s Anglo-German summit seems to have confirmed the extraordinary improvement in relations between Helmut Kohl and 10 Downing Street. Mrs Thatcher’s noises over the weekend have merely highlighted the change in tone towards both Germany and the European Community. Douglas Hurd tells me that Major and Kohl appeared genuinely to get on very well together, though the relationship is still slightly lacking in substance.
We dined with the Canadians to say goodbye to the South Africans. John Wakeham was there, having just announced his decision not to stand again at the next election (though he told me privately that the Prime Minister might well decide to make him Leader in the Lords). He admitted that the government is in a mess over the poll tax, but thinks that by throwing enough money at it, they can get it straight before the election. I conclude from that that they will have to choose a later, rather than an earlier, date for the election.
13 MARCH 1991
Robin Butler told perm secs this morning that the government has got itself in a real twist over the poll tax. Even when they have produced a new rating system, it will apparently take
at least two years to introduce, and is likely to cause upheavals in the Conservative Party whatever happens.
Peter Gregson gave an account of the new joint management unit to be announced tomorrow, in a way which could have come straight out of Yes, Minister – giving the impression that both the FCO and the DTI had managed to outwit ministers and the British Overseas Trade Board.
I called on Mark Lennox-Boyd, who referred rather guiltily to his exchange with the Trade Union Side. He seems to be under-employed, but didn’t rise to my suggestion that we might consider some redistribution of ministerial portfolios (though, as an Arabist, he would love to supervise Middle East work).
Credentials for Bulgaria this morning, for which Johnny Stancioff wore his grandfather’s diplomatic uniform (remodelled for him by a London tailor), and carried a sword with the Bulgarian crown on it from the 1920s, when his grandfather was Bulgarian minister here.
He told me that his staff were finding it very difficult to adjust, and had complained to him that there were too many people coming into the embassy. He commented that, having kept away from Bulgarian embassies for forty years, he was not now going to allow himself to be incarcerated inside one.
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