by M. I. Finley
125.On the return of Themistocles to Athens, Timodemus of Aphidnae, who was one of his enemies, but otherwise a man of no repute, became so maddened with envy that he openly railed against him, and reproaching him with his journey to Sparta, said, it was not his own merit that had won him honour from the men of Lacedaemon, but the fame of Athens, his country. Then Themistocles, seeing that Timodemus repeated this phrase unceasingly, replied:
“Thus stands the case, friend. I had never got this honour from the Spartans, had I been a Belbinite—nor would you, being an Athenian.” ...
130.As for that part of the fleet of Xerxes which had survived the battle, when it had made good its escape from Salamis to the coast of Asia, and conveyed the king with his army across the strait from the Chersonesus to Abydos, it passed the winter at Cyme. On the first approach of spring, there was an early muster of the ships at Samos, where some of them indeed had remained throughout the winter. Most of the men-at-arms who served on board were Persians, or else Medes; and the command of the fleet had been taken by Mardontes, the son of Bagaeus, and Artaÿntes, the son of Artachaeus; while there was likewise a third commander, Ithamitres, the nephew of Artayntes, whom his uncle had advanced to the post. Further west than Samos, however, they did not venture to proceed; for they remembered what a defeat they had suffered, and there was no one to compel them to approach any nearer to Greece. They therefore remained at Samos, and kept watch over Ionia, to hinder it from breaking into revolt. The whole number of their ships, including those furnished by the Ionians, was three hundred. It did not enter into their thoughts that the Greeks would proceed against Ionia; on the contrary, they supposed that the defence of their own country would content them, more especially as they had not pursued the Persian fleet when it fled from Salamis, but had so readily given up the chase. They despaired, however, altogether of gaining any success by sea themselves, though by land they thought that Mardonius was quite sure of victory. So they remained at Samos, and took counsel together, if by any means they might harass the enemy, at the same time that they waited eagerly to hear how matters would proceed with Mardonius.
131.The approach of spring, and the knowledge that Mardonius was in Thessaly, roused the Greeks from inaction. Their land force indeed was not yet come together; but the fleet, consisting of one hundred and ten ships, proceeded to Aegina, under the command of Leotychides. This Leotychides, who was ooth general and admiral, was the son of Menares, the son of Hegesilaüs, the son of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaüs, the son of Archidamus, the son of Anaxandrides, the son of Theopompus, the son of Nicander, the son of Charilaus, the son of Eunomus, the son of Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of Euryphon, the son of Procles, the son of Aristodemus, the son of Aristomachus, the son of Celodaeus, the son of Hyllus, the son of Hercules. He belonged to the second royal house. All his ancestors, except the two next in the above list to himself, had been kings of Sparta. The Athenian vessels were commanded by Xanthippus, the son of Ariphron.
132.When the whole fleet was collected together at Aegina, ambassadors from Ionia arrived at the Greek station; they had but just come from paying a visit to Sparta, where they had been entreating the Lacedaemonians to undertake the deliverance of Ionia. One of these ambassadors was Herodotus, the son of Basileides. Originally they were seven in number, and the whole seven had conspired to slay Strattis the tyrant of Chios; one, however, of those engaged in the plot betrayed the enterprise, and the conspiracy being in this way discovered, the remaining six quitted Chios and went straight to Sparta, whence they had now proceeded to Aegina, their object being to beseech the Greeks that they would pass over to Ionia. It was not, however, without difficulty that they were induced to advance even so far as Delos. All beyond that seemed to the Greeks full of danger; the places were quite unknown to them, and to their fancy swarmed with Persian troops; as for Samos, it appeared to them as far off as the Pillars of Hercules. Thus it came to pass that at the very same time the barbarians were hindered by their fears from venturing any farther west than Samos, and the prayers of the Chians failed to induce the Greeks to advance any further east than Delos. Terror guarded the mid-region.
133.The Greek fleet was now on its way to Delos; but Mardonius still abode in his winter quarters in Thessaly. When he was about to leave them, he despatched a man named Mys, a Euromian by birth, to go and consult the different oracles, giving him orders to put questions everywhere to all the oracles whereof he found it possible to make trial. What it was that he wanted to know, when he gave Mys these orders, I am not able to say, for no account has reached me of the matter; but for my own part, I suppose that he sent to inquire concerning the business which he had in hand, and not for any other purpose.
134.Mys, it is certain, went to Lebadeia, and, by the payment of a sum of money, induced one of the inhabitants to go down to [the cave of] Trophonius; he likewise visited Abae of the Phocians, and there consulted the god; while at Thebes, to which place he went first of all, he not only got access to Apollo Ismenius (of whom inquiry is made by means of victims, according to the custom practised also at Olympia), but likewise prevailed on a man, who was not a Theban but a foreigner, to pass the night in the temple of Amphiaraüs. No Theban can lawfully consult this oracle, for the following reason: Amphiaraüs by an oracle gave the Thebans their choice, to have him for their soothsayer or for their ally in war; he bade them elect between the two, and forego either one or the other; so they chose rather to have him for their ally. On this account it is unlawful for a Theban to sleep in his temple.
135.One thing which the Thebans declare to have happened at this time is to me very surprising. Mys, the Euromian, they say, after he had gone about to all the oracles, came at last to the sacred precinct of Apollo Ptoiis. The place itself bears the name of Ptoüm; it is in the country of the Thebans, and is situate on the mountain side overlooking Lake Copaïs, only a very little way from the town called Acraephia. Here Mys arrived and entered the temple, followed by three Theban citizens—picked men whom the state had appointed to take down whatever answer the god might give. No sooner was he entered than the prophet delivered him an oracle, but in a foreign tongue; so that his Theban attendants were astonished, hearing a strange language when they expected Greek, and did not know what to do. Mys, however, the Euromian, snatched from their hands the tablet which they had brought with them, and wrote down what the prophet uttered. The reply, he told them, was in the Carian language. After this, Mys departed and returned to Thessaly.
136.Mardonius, when he had read the answers given by the oracles, sent next an envoy to Athens. This was Alexander, the son of Amyntas, a Macedonian, of whom he made choice for two reasons. Alexander was connected with the Persians by family ties; for Gygaea, who was the daughter of Amyntas, and sister to Alexander himself, was married to Bubares, a Persian, and by him had a son, to wit, Amyntas of Asia; who was named after his mother’s father, and enjoyed the revenues of Alabanda, a large city of Phrygia, which had been assigned him by the king. Alexander was likewise (and of this too Mardonius was well aware), both by services which he had rendered, and by formal compact of friendship, connected with Athens. Mardonius therefore thought that, by sending him, he would be most likely to gain over the Athenians to the Persian side. He had heard that they were a numerous and a valorous, people, and he knew that the disasters which had befallen the Persians by sea were mainly their work; he therefore expected that if he could form alliance with them he would easily get the mastery of the sea (as indeed he would have done, beyond a doubt), while by land he believed that he was already greatly superior ; and so he thought by this alliance to make sure of overcoming the Greeks. Perhaps, too, the oracles leant this way, and counselled him to make Athens his friend; so that it may have been in obedience to them that he sent the embassy....
140.When Alexander reached Athens as the ambassador of Mardonius, he spoke as follows:
“O men of Athens, these are the words of Mardonius. ‘The king
has sent a message to me, saying, ”All the trespasses which the Athenians have committed against me I forgive. Now, then, Mardonius, act thus towards them. Restore to them their territory, and let them choose for themselves whatever land they like besides, and let them dwell therein as a free. people. Build up likewise all their temples which I burnt, if on these terms they will consent to enter into a league with me.” Such are the orders which I have received, and which I must needs obey, unless there be a hindrance on your part. And now I say to you, why are you so mad as to levy war against the king, whom you cannot possibly overcome, or even resist forever? You have seen the multitude and the bravery of the hosts of Xerxes; you know also how large a power remains with me in your land; suppose then you should get the better of us, and defeat this army—a thing whereof you will not, if you are wise, entertain the least hope. What follows even then but a contest with a still greater force? Do not, because you would match yourselves with the king, consent to lose your country and live in constant danger of your lives. Rather agree to make peace, which you can now do without any tarnish to your honour, since the king invites you to it. Continue free, and make an alliance with us, without fraud or deceit.’
“These are the words, O Athenians, which Mardonius has bid me speak to you. For my own part, I will say nothing of the good will I bear your nation, since you have not now for the first time to become acquainted with it. But I will beseech you to give ear to Mardonius; for I see clearly that it is impossible for you to go on forever contending against Xerxes. If that had appeared to me possible, I would not now have come hither the bearer of such a message. But the king’s power surpasses that of man; and his arm reaches far. If then you do not hasten to conclude a peace when such fair terms are offered you, I tremble to think of what you will have to endure—you who of all the allies lie most directly in the path of danger, whose land will always be the chief battleground of the contending powers, and who will therefore constantly have to suffer alone. Believe me. Surely it is no small matter that the great king chooses you out from all the rest of the Greeks, to offer you forgiveness of the wrongs you have done him, and to propose himself as your friend.”
141.Such were the words of Alexander. Now the Lacedaemonians, when tidings reached them that Alexander was gone to Athens to bring about a league between the Athenians and the barbarians, and when at the same time they called to mind the prophecies which declared that the Dorian race should one day be driven from the Peloponnesus by the Medes and the Athenians, were exceedingly afraid lest the Athenians might consent to the alliance with Persia. They therefore lost no time in sending envoys to Athens; and it so happened that these envoys were given their audience at the same time with Alexander, for the Athenians had waited and made delays, because they felt sure that the Lacedaemonians would hear that an ambassador was come to them from the Persians, and as soon as they heard it would with all speed send an embassy. They contrived matters therefore of set purpose, so that the Lacedaemonians might hear them deliver their sentiments on the occasion.
142.As soon as Alexander had finished speaking, the ambassadors from Sparta took the word and said:
“We are sent here by the Lacedaemonians to entreat of you that you will not do a new thing in Greece, nor agree to the terms which are offered you by the barbarian. Such conduct on the part of any of the Greeks were alike unjust and dishonourable; but in you it would be worse than in others, for divers reasons. It was by you that this war was kindled at the first among us—our wishes were in no way considered; the contest began in your defence—now the fate of Greece is involved in it. Besides it were surely an intolerable thing that the Athenians, who have always hitherto been known as a nation to which many men owed their freedom, should now become the means of bringing all other Greeks into slavery. We feel, however, for the heavy calamities which press on you—the loss of your harvest these two years, and the ruin in which your homes have lain for so long a time. We offer you, therefore, on the part of the Lacedaemonians and the allies, sustenance for your women and for the unwarlike portion of your households, so long as the war endures. Be not seduced by Alexander the Macedonian, who softens down the rough words of Mardonius. He does as is natural for him to do—a tyrant himself, he helps forward a tyrant’s cause. But you should do differently, at least if you be truly wise; for you should know that with barbarians there is neither faith nor truth.”
Thus spoke the envoys.
143.After which the Athenians returned this answer to Alexander:
“We know as well as you that the power of the Mede is many times greater than our own: we did not need to have that cast in our teeth. Nevertheless we cling so to freedom that we shall offer what resistance we may. Seek not to persuade us into making terms with the barbarian—say what you will, you will never gain our assent. Tell Mardonius that our answer to him is this: ‘So long as the sun keeps his present course, we will never join alliance with Xerxes. Nay, we shall oppose him unceasingly, trusting in the aid of those gods and heroes whom he has lightly esteemed, whose houses and whose images he has burnt with fire.’ And come not again to us with words like these; nor, thinking to do us a service, persuade us to unholy actions. You are the guest and friend of our nation—we would not have you receive hurt at our hands.”
144.Such was the answer which the Athenians gave to Alexander. To the Spartan envoys they said:
“It was natural no doubt that the Lacedaemonians should be afraid we might make terms with the barbarian; but nevertheless it was a base fear in men who knew so well of what temper and spirit we are. Not all the gold that the whole earth contains—not the fairest and most fertile of all lands —would bribe us to take part with the Medes and help them to enslave Greece. Even could we anyhow have brought ourselves to such a thing, there are many very powerful motives which would now make it impossible. The first and chief of these is the burning and destruction of our temples and the images of our gods, which forces us to make no terms with their destroyer, but rather to pursue him with our resentment to the uttermost. Again, there is our common brotherhood with the Greeks: our common ancestry and language, the altars and the sacrifices of which we all partake, the common character which we bear—did the Athenians betray all these, of a truth it would not be well. Know then now, if you have not known it before, that while one Athenian remains alive we will never join alliance with Xerxes. We thank you, however, for your forethought on our behalf, and for your wish to give our families sustenance, now that ruin has fallen on us—the kindness is complete on your part; but for ourselves, we will endure as we may, and not be burdensome to you. Such then is our resolve. Be it your care with all speed to lead out your troops; for if we surmise aright, the barbarian will not wait long before invading our territory, but will set out so soon as he learns our answer to be that we will do none of those things which he requires of us. Now then is the time for us, before he enters Attica, to go forth ourselves into Boeotia, and give him battle.”
When the Athenians had thus spoken, the ambassadors departed for Sparta.
THUCYDIDES
EVEN. less is known (or can be inferred) about the life of Thucydides than the very little which can be said about Herodotus. From the way he writes, at one point in his book, that he was old enough at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War to have maturity of judgement—a statement with unmistakably defensive overtones—it is reasonable to place his birth about 460 B.C., or a trifle later. His father had a Thracian name, Olorus, and that fact almost certainly links him with the important aristocratic family of Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, and his son Cimon, who preceded Pericles and then contended with him for leadership in Athens. Miltiades had married the daughter of a Thracian chieftain called Olorus, and that is surely why the name was carried on in Athens.
Thucydides himself stresses his Thracian connections. He owned a gold-mining concession there, he says, and in consequence he had influence over the native population in the area. Presumably, though this he himself does not sa
y, that is why he was elected general in 424, when the most important battle was the struggle for the Greek city of Amphipolis in the Thracian sphere north of the Aegean. With his family background, Thucydides undoubtedly received not only the best available education, but also early experience in military and political affairs. There is not a shred of evidence, however, that his career was such as to warrant election to the highest office in the state (the board of ten generals) at an early age, except for the special circumstances of his involvement with Thrace at that precise stage of the war.
His failure at Amphipolis led to his exile from Athens, whether justly or unjustly. As far as we know, he spent the twenty years of his exile primarily on his history of the war. He himself says that it placed him in the advantageous position of being able to keep in touch with all parties in the conflict. Presumably his base was in Thrace, but he must have travelled widely during some of the time. He was permitted to return to Athens when the war ended, and he died not long after (five years later at the outside). Several later writers report that his tomb (or cenotaph) could be seen in the burial ground of the Cimonid family, a perfectly credible, story.
Thucydides left the history of the war far from complete. The book was published posthumously, though by whom is unknown. It must have appeared very soon after his death, for an acquaintance with it is evident in various fourth-century writers, and at least five men wrote continuations in the middle or second half of the century, of which Xenophon’s Hellenica alone survives. Nevertheless, Thucydides seems not to have been much appreciated in this period. His real popularity in antiquity came only in Roman times.