by M. I. Finley
4. 1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariaeus, encamping near each other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days, in the course of which there came to visit Ariaeus both his brothers and other relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions and gave them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances from the king that he would not remember to their disadvantage their expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2. On these things taking place, the followers of Ariaeus evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention, so that, on this account, they rendered most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. “Why do we remain here? are we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in order that a dread of going to war with the great king may fall upon the’rest of the Greeks? For the present he craftily protracts our stay, because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is reassembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we should go back to Greece and relate how so small a number as we are have defeated the king at his own gates and returned after setting him at nought.”
5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, “I have been considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions; and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the moment that we do this, Ariaeus will separate himself from us, so that not a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the enemy’s cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7. With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear, and give his right hand, and perjure himself before the gods, and render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and barbarians.” He said much besides to the same effect.
8. In the meantime Tissaphernes arrived with his army, as if with the view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes also brought with him the king’s daughter, whom he had received in marriage. 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march, Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities of buying provisions; Ariaeus also, with the barbarian troops of Cyrus, marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men, began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each other; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their distrust. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or collecting fodder and other such things in the same quarter, they came to blows with each other; and this was an additional source of animosity between them.
12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media, as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness and a hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs; and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in two days’ march, the distance of eight parasangs, crossing two canals, the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris; and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through the millet fields. They then arrived at the Tigris, near which there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of trees. The barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were no longer in sight.
15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in front of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached and inquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariaeus, Menon’s intimate friend. 16. Proxenus replying, “I am the person whom you seek,” the man said, “Ariaeus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are interested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to beware lest the barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for there is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They also advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as Tissaphemes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in between the river and the canal.” 18. On hearing the man’s message, they conducted him to Clearchus and told him what he had said. When Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed.
19. But a young man, one of those who were present, after reflecting a little on the matter, observed that the imputed designs of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not consistent. “For,” said he, “if they attack us, they must certainly either conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, why should they break down the bridge? for even though there were many bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20. but if, on the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any of their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able to come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed.” 21. After listening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what was the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He replied that it was of considerable extent, and that there were several villages and large towns in it. 22. It was then immediately concluded that the barbarians had sent this man with an underhand object, being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces the bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences, the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other; and might procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay between, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it to cultivate it, and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any that might be inclined to annoy the king.
23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a guard to the bridge; but neither did anyone attempt to attack them on any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those who were stationed on guard there reported.
24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some of the Greeks, who came from Tissaphemes, stated that the enemy meant to attack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false. However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some others, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when they saw they were, he immediately rode away.
25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days’ march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a bridge. Here was situated a large town called Opis, near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana with the intention of assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 26. Clearchus marched his men two abreast, and halted occasion
ally on the way; and as long as the van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt through the whole of the line, so that even to the Greeks themselves their army seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it.
27. Hence they proceeded through Media, six days’ march through a desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; which Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to plunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a great quantity of grain and cattle, and other property. 28. Hence they advanced in a march of four days more through the desert, a distance of twenty parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first day’s march there was situated on the opposite bank of the river a large and opulent city, called Caenae, whence the barbarians brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, and wine.
5.1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the same suspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2. Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it was at all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions before open hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to say that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at once requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: “I am aware, Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken and right hands pledged between us that we will do no injury to each other: nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were enemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such intentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference with you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wished anything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that such misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be enemies to each other; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of having disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the gods I know not with what speed anyone could flee so as to escape, or into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the gods, and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentiments respecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose keeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among human advantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we at present possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy, every river is passable, and there will be no want of provisions; but without you all our way would lie through darkness (for we know nothing of it), every river would be difficult to pass, and every multitude of men would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full of extreme perplexity.
10. “And even if we should be so mad as to kill you, what else would be the consequence than that, having slain our benefactor, we should have, to contend with the king as your most powerful avenger? For my own part, of how many and how great expectations I should deprive myself if I attempted to do you any injury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus should be my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the most able to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you are in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, while you still retain your own province, and that the power of the king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you. 12. Such being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?
“But I will mention also the circumstances from which I derive hopes that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that the Mysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should be able, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am aware also that the Pisidians molest you, and I hear that there are many such nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing your tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are most of all incensed, I do not see what auxiliary force you could use to chastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a friend to anyone, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and if any of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality, deal with them as a master, as we should serve you not for the sake of pay merely, but from gratitude, which we should justly feel towards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these things, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that I would most gladly hear the name of him who is so persuasive a speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you.”
Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. “I am delighted, Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations, for, with these sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, you would appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may be convinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or me, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do we appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry, or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to do you injury without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seem to you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon you? Are there not so many plains which, as the inhabitants of them are friendly to us, you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not so many mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, by pre-occupying them, render impassable to you? Or are there not so many rivers at which we might parcel you out, as many at a time as we might be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not cross at all unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposing that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would prove its power over the produce of the soil, by burning which, we could set famine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of the brave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so many means of waging war with you, and none of them attended with danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode, the only one that is impious in the sight of the gods, the only one that is disgraceful in the sight of men?
21. “It belongs, altogether, to men who are destitute of means, deprived of every resource, and under the coercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek to effect their purposes by perjury towards the gods and breach of faith towards men. We, Clearchus, are not so foolish or so inconsiderate; 22. or why, when we have the opportunity of effecting your destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well assured that the cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks, and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by that very body of foreign troops to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted only on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated, but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it is permitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yet perhaps another than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright which is on the heart.”
24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak with sincerity, and he replied, “Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumny to make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendship between us, deserve the severest of punishment?” 25. “Well, then,” said Tiss
aphernes, “if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, in a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell me that you are forming plots against me and my army.” 26. “I will bring them all,” said Clearchus, “and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence I hear reports respecting you.” 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him, and made him his guest at supper.
On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainly showed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footing with Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said that those must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and that whoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged calumnies must be punished as traitors and persons ill-affected to the Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as he knew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company with Ariaeus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in order that, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished the whole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesome rivals to be removed out of his way.
Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all the captains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place no confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal with great vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generals and twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them, to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of marketing.
31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes’ tent, the generals, who were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedaemonian, and Socrates the Achaean, were invited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long after, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and those without massacred; and immediately afterwards a body of barbarian cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman, that they met.