Before the Storm

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Before the Storm Page 75

by Rick Perlstein


  ix For 1966 off-year elections, see Andrew E. Busch, Horses in Midstream: U.S. Midterm Elections and Their Consequences, 1894-1998 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1999), 100-106; and M. Stanton Evans, The Future of Conservatism (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1968).

  x For DDE’s preservation and extension of New Deal programs, see Samuel G. Freedman, The Inheritance: How Three Families and the American Political Majority Moved from Left to Right (New York: Touchstone, 1996), 162. Lippmann quote: transcript of May 1, 1963, interview on CBS Reports, RAC, Box 10/755. My interpretation of the sense of inevitability of progress in consensus thinking is indebted to Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York: Norton, 1991), especially the chapter “The Politics of the Civilized Minority,” 412-75.

  xi “To meet the needs of the people”: “Atlantic Report on the World Today,” Atlantic Monthly, September 1964.

  xi “Not really a coherent, rational alternative”: Stewart Alsop, SEP, September 29, 1964. “A kind of vocational therapy”: Young Americans for Freedom, Newsletter, May 1962, quoting speech in Los Angeles, cited in Matthew Dallek, “Young Americans for Freedom, 1960-1964” (master’s thesis, Columbia University, 1993).

  xiii “We must assume that the conservative”: The Progressive, May 1961.

  xiii “The year 2000 has all”: Daniel Bell and Stephen R. Graubard, eds., Toward the Year 2000: Works in Progress (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997 [original ed. 1967, reporting on conference held in 1965]), 3. “Think of how wonderful the year 2000”: Jack Sheppherd and Christopher S. Wren, eds., Quotations from Chairman LBJ (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1968), 37, 106.

  xiv “I first learned that the government”: Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963-1965 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998), 521-22. Three decades later, half: David Boaz, Libertarianism: A Primer (New York: Free Press, 1997), 1.

  I. THE MANIONITES

  3 Background for Manion cadre drawn from the correspondence in CM, Boxes 69 and 70; A. G. Heinsohn, Anthology of Conservative Writing in the United States, 1932-1960 (Chicago: Regnery, 1962), and One Man’s Fight for Freedom (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1957); Clarence Manion, The Conservative American: His Fight for National Independence and Constitutional Government (New York: Devon-Adair, 1964), and The Key to Peace: A Formula for the Perpetuation of Real Americanism (Chicago: Heritage Foundation, 1951); Frank E. Holman, The Life and Career of a Western Lawyer, 1886-1961 (n.p., 1963), 717-31; Thomas E. Vadney, The Wayward Liberal: A Political Biography of Donald Richberg (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1970); Fred C. Koch, “A Business Man Looks at Communism, by an American Business Man” (self-published, 1960); and David M. Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (New York: Free Press, 1983). For foreign policy matters, see Robert A. Taft, A Foreign Policy for Americans (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1951); James T. Patterson, Mr. Republican: A Biography of Robert Taft (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972); Justus D. Doenecke, Not to the Swift: The Old Isolationists in the Cold War Era (Cranbury, N.J.: Associated University Press, 1979); and Michael W. Miles, The Odyssey of the American Right (New York: Oxford, 1980), 57-221.

  3 “Up till then a river”: Clarence Budington Kelland, Mark Tidd, Manufacturer (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1918). “The man who builds a factory”: Publishers Weekly, April 24, 1995, 67.

  4 For the divergence in the Depression era and wartime economic interests between small and large manufacturers, see David A. Horowitz, Beyond Left and Right: Insurgency and the Establishment (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997); Alan Brinkley, “The New Deal Experiments” and “The Late New Deal and the Idea of the State,” in Brinkley, Liberalism and Its Discontents (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998); and Nelson Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther: The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 154-74.

  5 On the postwar strikes, see James T. Patterson, Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 39-60.

  5 On the GOP Eastern internationalist wing, see Wendell Willkie, One World (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1943); and Donald Bruce Johnson, The Republican Party and Wendell Willkie (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1960).

  5 For humiliation over the Korean War truce, see General Edwin Walker’s letter of resignation in “Thunder on the Far Right: Fear and Frustration,” Newsweek, December 4, 1961.

  6 On the first day of June 1959: Manion to various, “CONFIDENTIAL, ” May 27, 1959, CM, Box 69/4.

  6 Manion biography: Manion, Lessons in Liberty (South Bend, Ind.: Notre Dame University Press, 1939), Conservative American (the Wilson chant is on page 25), and Key to Peace; William F. Buckley, “My Secret Right-Wing Conspiracy,” The New Yorker, January 22, 1996; and author interview with Judge Daniel Manion.

  7 For America First, General Robert Wood, and Colonel Robert McCormick, see Horowitz, Beyond Left and Right, 175-86 (“despotic” quote is on page 175).

  8 For Wickard v. Filburn, see Manion, Conservative American, 96. Manion assured high school students: Manion, Lessons in Liberty, 189. “Government cannot make man good”: Manion, Key to Peace, 61.

  8 Harry Dexter White theory in Fred J. Cook, “The Ultras: Aims, Affiliations, and Finances of the Radical Right,” special issue, The Nation, June 30, 1962.

  9 For Manion in DDE’s Administration, see Robert J. Donovan, Eisenhower: The Inside Story (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956), 105, 239; Manion, Conservative American, 93-125; and Doenecke, Not to the Swift, 236-38. For the Bricker Amendment, see Doenecke, 235-39; and Donovan, Eisenhower, 231-42.

  9 The exchange with Dulles is in Manion, Conservative American, 118.

  10 The quote from the Fort Wayne Sentinel is in Manion, Conservative American, 124.

  10 TV appearance is WGN, ED 542.

  10 The source throughout on Senator William Knowland is Gayle B. Montgomery and James W. Johnson, One Step from the White House: The Rise and Fall of Senator William Knowland (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998). On “new nationalists” see Miles, The Odyssey of the American Right, 80-94. For Taftite frustration with the 1954 mutual security pact, see John Kessel, The Goldwater Coalition: Republican Strategies in 1964 (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968), 8.

  11 For the founding of For America, see Cook, “The Ultras” (includes McCarran quote); and Doenecke, Not to the Swift, 234-35 (manifesto quoted on 234).

  11 For Robotype, see Christmas letter to contributors, December 17, 1954, CM, Box 98, and Pierre Salinger, With Kennedy (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1966), 52. For origins of The Manion Forum of Opinion, see correspondence files, Manion, HR, passim (fund-raising appeal is Patterson to Regnery September 14, 1954); and CM, Box 98.

  11 For T. Coleman Andrews’s presidential run, see Doenecke, Not to the Swift, 235; and Sara Diamond, Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States (New York: Guilford, 1995), 87. For massive resistance and the Richmond News Leader, I rely on Miles, Odyssey of the American Right, 275-79. For campaign speech, listen to T. Coleman Andrews, “Income Tax—Speedway to Tyranny,” FL, MF89. Human Events quote in Montgomery and Johnson: One Step from the White House, 196. 12 My main source for NR throughout is John B. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives (New York: Touchstone, 1990). For the 1958 electoral debacle as a crossroads for the GOP, see Andrew E. Busch, Horses in Midstream: U.S. Midterm Elections and their Consequences, 1894-1998 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1999), 94-100; John A. Andrew III, The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of Conservative Politics (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1997), 23-36; Richard Nixon, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, vol. I (New York: Warner Books, 1978), 228; David Glenn, article in In These Times, December 14, 1997; Edwards, Goldwater, 64; and NYT, November 5, 1958. For DDE’s 1956 embrace of Modem Republicanism, see Andrew, Other Side of the Sixties, 32-33.
/>   13 Manion’s third-party explorations in correspondence from January 11, 1959, to March 20, 1959, in CM, Box 69/4, passim. For L. Brent Bozell, see NYT obituary, April 19, 1997; also Fellers to Manion, April 8, 1959. The DDE quote is in “The Republican Split,” Time, May 20, 1957. Bozell’s article “The 1958 Elections: Coroner’s Report” ran in NR, November 22, 1958.

  13 Bozell’s unsuccessful fund-raising trip: Fellers to Manion, April 8, 1959, CM, Box 69/4; and Bozell to Hubbard, June 25, 1959; Bozell to Russell, June 26, 1959; and Russell to Bozell, July 2, 1959, CM, Box 69/5. The National Committee for Political Realignment: GRR, June 30, 1964. Woods’s conditions are in Lee to Manion, February 4, 1959, CM, Box 69/4.

  14 For Orval Faubus and Jim Johnson, see Roy Reed, Faubus: The Life and Times of an American Prodigal (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1997), 169-93.

  14 Johnson quote on his ballot initiative: ibid., 175.

  15 The letter on Faubus is Johnson to Manion, March 24, 1959, CM, Box 69/4, which also notes the Gallup poll; see GP, 1584.

  15 For W. J. B. Dorn, see Edward Cain, They’d Rather Be Right: Youth and the Conservative Movement (New York: Macmillan, 1963), 271; and www.sc.edu/ library/socar/mpc/dorn.html. For South Carolina industrial history, see Eric Foner and John A. Garraty, eds., The Reader’s Companion to American History (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991), 1066-69; and “Garment Workers Union Will Attempt to Organize South,” Sumpter Daily Item, October 26, 1959. Manion’s call to Dorn is described in Manion to Buffet, March 27, 1959, CM, Box 69/4.

  15 Dorn’s interest in political realignment is recorded in Dorn to Purdy, January 28, 1948, General Correspondence, William Jennings Bryan Papers, University of South Carolina Special Collections. His plan is explained in Manion to Buffet, March 27, 1959; Lee to Manion, April 3, 1959; Fellers to Manion, April 8, 1959, and April 13, 1959; and Manion to Dorn, April 11, 1959—all in CM, Box 69/4; and J. Hunter Stokes, “Dorn Issues Call to Conservatives,” Greenville News, November 20, 1959, in CM, Box 70/2.

  15 “What you tell me”: Manion to Johnson, March 27, 1959, CM, Box 69/4. He scrawled a note: Manion to Wood, April 3, 1959, CM, Box 69/4.

  16 “It is all too obvious”: Raymond Richmond to Manion, n.d., responding to Manion to various, March 10, 1959, CM, Box 69/4.

  2. MERCHANT PRINCE

  17 Fawning profiles of BMG include “Jet-Age Senator with a Warning,” Time, March 7, 1955; “The Backward Look,” Time, April 22, 1957; Paul Healy, “The Glittering Mr. Goldwater,” SEP, June 7, 1958; “Personality Contest,” Time, September 29, 1958; “This Lively Man—Goldwater,” Newsweek, July 4, 1960; “Apostle of Conservatism,” Business Week, March 25, 1961; “Conservatism in the U.S.... and Its Leading Spokesman,” Newsweek, April 10, 1961; “Salesman for a Cause,” Time, June 23, 1961; “The Goldwater Story—How It Is Growing,” USN, August 7,1961; “Goldwater in ’64?,” Newsweek, May 20, 1963; and “This President Thing,” Time, June 14, 1963. Two rare demurrals include Gilbert A. Harrison, “Way Out West: An Interim Report on Barry Goldwater,” TNR, November 23, 1963 (though acknowledging “Goldwater is attractive and honest”); and Gore Vidal, “A Liberal Meets Mr. Conservative,” Life, June 9, 1961.

  18 Reliable BMG sources are Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995); and Lee Edwards, Goldwater: The Man Who Made a Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Regnery, 1995). I am especially indebted to Goldberg’s brilliant account of the entwinement of federal largesse, the rise of Arizona, and the Goldwater family’s fortunes, from which all statistics are drawn. On Southwestern and Southern economic development as an explicit goal of the New Deal, see Alan Brinkley, “The New Deal and Southern Politics,” in Brinkley, Liberalism and Its Discontents (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 63-78.

  18 Alsop’s interview is “Can Goldwater Win in’64?,” SEP, August 24, 1963.

  19 For descriptions of BMG’s house, I rely throughout on James M. Perry, A Report in Depth on Barry Goldwater: The Story of the 1964 Republican Presidential Nominee (Silver Spring, Md.: National Observer, 1964); SEP, June 7, 1958; Newsweek, April 10, 1961; Time, June 14, 1963; Alsop, SEP, August 24, 1963; AHFCP vol. 3, picture 4; transcript of “ABC Reports,” November 10, 1963, RAC, Box 10/773; and author visit.

  19 Barry Goldwater once wrote: Barry Goldwater with Jack Casserly, Goldwater (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1988), 28.

  19 “We didn’t know the federal government”: ibid.

  19 “Hostilities in Arizona ”: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 13.

  20 BMG’s open letter to Roosevelt is in Perry, Report in Depth, 51.

  21 On his wife’s trust fund, see Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 55. “There never was a lot of it”: ibid., 89. The chamber of commerce ad and the less sanguine view on prejudice in Phoenix is in Goldberg, 37-38. Blackballing story is on 91.

  21 Like a “bronze god”: ibid., 57. The self-portrait is reprinted in Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, photo plates.

  22 “It’s almost”: ibid., 70.

  22 To his California vendors: ibid., 73.

  22 Battle between G. W. P. Hunt and the state economic elite, and the anemic state of the Arizona Republican Party: Richard Kleindienst, Justice: The Memoirs of an Attorney General (Ottawa, Ill.: Jameson Books, 1985), 5-16, which includes accounts of both Kleindienst and his grandfather being threatened with violence for supporting Republican presidential candidates; and author interview with Richard Kleindienst. See also Stephen Shadegg, How to Win an Election: The Art of Political Victory (New York: Taplinger, 1964), 21 ; and Frank H. Jonas, ed., Political Dynamiting (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1970), 154.

  22 The Cold War expansion of Phoenix is covered in Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 58, 67-68, 86. “Altered the whole demography”: ibid., 83.

  22 The story of Eugene Pulliam, his expansion to Phoenix, and his reformist crusade is told in Russell Pulliam, Publisher: Gene Pulliam: Last of the Newspaper Titans (Ottawa, Ill.: Jameson Books, 1984), 105-37.

  23 For BMG’s incredible range of acquaintances, see Goldwater with Casserly, Goldwater, 78. For the sweep of his board and associational memberships, see résumé in AHF, Box 33/22. For the charter reform and the city council race, see Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 76-79.

  23 For BMG’s city council tenure and the attendant boosting of the Arizona Republican Party, consult Goldberg, 76-82. Udall quote is on 75.

  23 For BMG’s thwarted gubernatorial ambitions, see Goldberg, 84. For the Pyle race, see ibid., 84-85; Kleindienst, Justice, 18-19; Stephen Shadegg, What Happened to Goldwater?: The Inside Story of the 1964 Republican Campaign (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1965), 19; and Edwards, Goldwater, 36-37.

  24 For BMG’s decision to run for Senate, see Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 88-91; Edwards, Goldwater, 38-41 (the quote on knowing ten thousand people is on 39); and Goldwater with Casserly, Goldwater, 94-95.

  24 For Shadegg biography and character, I rely on Shadegg, How to Win an Election; Time, September 7, 1962; “Senator’s ‘Alter Ego’ Seeks Hayden Seat in Arizona,” NYT, July 29, 1962; review of How to Win an Election, NYT Book Review, July 26, 1964; author interviews with Ron Crawford and Richard Kleindienst; and Oscar Collier to author, March 27, 1997. “Approached in the right fashion”: Shadegg, How to Win an Election, 10.

  24 For Shadegg’s deliberations on running BMG campaign, see Edwards, Goldwater, 40. For the Indifferents theory, see Shadegg, How to Win an Election, 13-45. His theory about why BMG could win is on 19.

  25 For BMG’s negotiations with Shadegg, see Edwards, Goldwater, 40.

  25 For Shadegg’s reasoning on 90 percent of Republicans and 25 percent of Democrats, see ibid., 40. Insistence that BMG fill the Republican rolls is in Shadegg, How to Win an Election, 90; and Kleindienst, Justice, 19-21. His strategy to reach Indifferents is in Shadegg, How to Win an Election, 19. For BMG coffees, see ibid., 21.

  25 For Shadegg’s “ ‘cheap’ war” speech, see Edwards, Goldwater, 47-48.

  25 For TV, radi
o, and postcard campaigns, see Shadegg, How to Win an Election, 21, 86-87.

  26 1952 election results in Arizona are in Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 98-99. “Any son of a bitch”: Kleindienst, Justice, 7.

  26 For Senate Republican Campaign Committee, see Shadegg, What Happened, 10, 17-18; Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 109-12. The Time profile is March 7, 1955.

  27 For Paul Hoffman’s Collier’s article, see Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 114.

  27 The national collegiate debate topic for 1957-58 is noted in Regnery to Hall, October 18, 1957, Correspondence/Hall, Jay, HI. For BMG’s consignment to the Labor and Banking Committees, see Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, 99-100; and Edwards, Goldwater, 52. BMG acknowledges a lifelong debt to Taft’s decision in With No Apologies: The Personal and Political Memoirs of United States Senator Barry M. Goldwater (New York: William Morrow, 1979).

  28 The main source for McClellan hearings is Robert F. Kennedy, The Enemy Within (New York: Popular Library, 1960). See also NYT obituary of William Lambert, February 16, 1998; Pierre Salinger, With Kennedy (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1966), 13-29; and John McClellan, Crime Without Punishment (New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pierce, 1962). All hearing quotes are from the transcripts in Bureau of National Affairs, McClellan Committee Hearings, 1957 (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of National Affairs, 1959).

  28 For Kitchel biography, see NYTM, September 13, 1964; Shadegg, What Happened, 55; F. Clifton White with William Gill, Suite 3505: The Story of the Draft Goldwater Movement (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1967), 199; Kitchel to BMG, November 6, 1961, DK, Box i/BMG 1947-61; and warm personal letters to Archibald Cox and Arthur Goldberg in DK, Box 1/General 1960-65. For move to Arizona, see SEP, October 24, 1964; and Time, July 17, 1964. For his profound influence on BMG, see John Kessel, The Goldwater Coalition: Republican Strategies in 1964 (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968), 179; and SEP, October 24, 1964. New York’s control of a quarter of the nation’s bank reserves is noted in Theodore White, Making of the President 1964 (New York: Atheneum, 1965), 85; for federal land ownership in Arizona, see Brinkley, Liberalism and Its Discontents, 285; information on St. Louis Cardinals is from author interview with Richard Viguerie.

 

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