During the recess of the last Parliament, which had pass’d the severe acts52 against the province of the Massachusetts Bay, the minority, having been quite sensible of their weakness as an effect of their want of union among themselves, began to think seriously of a coalition. They saw in the violence of these American measures, if persisted in, a hazard of dismembering, weakening, and perhaps ruining the British Empire. In conversations with several of the principals among the minority of both houses, I beseeched and conjured most earnestly not to suffer, by their little misunderstandings, so glorious a fabric to be demolished by these blunderers.
From the time of the affront given me at the Council Board in January 1774, I remained in London but never attended the levee of any minister. I made no justification of myself from the charges brought against me: I made no return of the injury by abusing my adversaries, but held a cool sullen silence, reserving myself to some future opportunity, for which conduct I had several reasons not necessary here to specify.
COUNTRIES REMOTE FROM THE EYE OF GOVERNMENT ARE NOT WELL GOVERNED
When I first came to England in 1757, I made several attempts to be introduc’d to Lord Chatham (Mr. Pitt, at that time First Minister) on account of my Pennsylvania business, but without success. He was then too great a man, or too much occupy’d in affairs of great moment. I was therefore oblig’d to content myself with a kind of non-apparent and unacknowledg’d communication thro’ Mr. Potter and Mr. Wood, his secretaries, who seem’d to cultivate an acquaintance with me by their civilities, and drew from me what information I could give relative to the American war, with my sentiments occasionally on measures that were proposed or advised by others. I afterwards considered Mr. Pitt as an inaccessible: I admired him at a distance, but made no more attempts for a nearer acquaintance. I had only once or twice the satisfaction of hearing thro’ Lord Shelburne (and, I think, Lord Stanhope) that he did me the honour of mentioning me sometimes as a person of respectable character.
William Pitt: “I admired him at a distance, but made no more attempts for a nearer acquaintance.”
Toward the end of August 1774, returning from Brighthelmstone, I called to visit my friend Mr. Sargent at his seat, Halsted, in Kent, agreeable to a former engagement. He let me know that he had promised to conduct me to Lord Stanhope’s at Chevening, who expected I would call on him when I came into the neighborhood. We accordingly waited on Lord Stanhope that evening, who told me Lord Chatham desired to see me. This was done accordingly. That truly great man, Lord Chatham, receiv’d me with abundance of civility, inquired particularly into the situation of affairs in America, spoke feelingly of the severity of the laws against Massachusetts, gave me some account of his speech in opposing them and express’d great regard and esteem for the people of that country, who he hop’d would continue firm and united in defending by all peaceable and legal means their constitutional rights. I assur’d him that I made no doubt they would do so. I then took occasion to remark to him that, in former cases, great empires had crumbled first at their extremities from this cause: that countries remote from the seat and eye of government which therefore could not well understand their affairs for want of full and true information, had never been well governed, but had been oppress’d by bad governors, on presumption that complaint was difficult to be made and supported against them at such a distance. Hence such governors have been encouraged to go on, till their oppressions became intolerable.
He mention’d an opinion, prevailing in Britain, that America aimed at setting up for itself as an independent state, or at least to get rid of the Navigation Acts. I assur’d him that having more than once travelled almost from one end of the continent to the other and kept a great variety of company, eating, drinking and conversing with them freely, I never had heard in any conversation from any person drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for a separation, or hint that such a thing would be advantageous to America. In fine he express’d much satisfaction in my having call’d upon him, and particularly in the assurances I had given him that America did not aim at independence at that time.
A CERTAIN LADY DESIRING TO PLAY WITH ME AT CHESS
The new Parliament was to meet the 29TH of November, 1774. About the beginning of that month, being at the Royal Society, Mr. Raper, one of our members, told me that there was a certain lady who had a desire of playing with me at chess, fancying she could beat me, and had requested him to bring me to her: it was, he said, a lady with whose acquaintance he was sure I should be pleas’d, a sister of Lord Howe’s, and he hop’d I would not refuse the challenge. I said I had been long out of practice, but would wait upon the lady when he and she should think fit. I named the Friday following. He call’d accordingly. I went with him, play’d a few games with the lady, whom I found of very sensible conversation and pleasing behaviour, which induc’d me to agree most readily to an appointment for another meeting a few days after, tho’ I had not the least apprehension that any political business could have any connection with this new acquaintance.
Franklin and Mrs. Howe: “There was a certain lady who had a desire of playing with me at chess, fancying she could beat me.”
A time was appointed on which I was to have my second chess party with the agreeable Mrs. Howe. After playing as long as we lik’d, we fell into a little chat, partly on a mathematical problem, and partly about the new Parliament that had just met when she said, “And what is to be done with this dispute between Britain and the colonies? I hope we are not to have a civil war.”
“They should kiss and be friends,” said I. “What can they do better ? Quarrelling can be of service to neither but is ruin to both.”
“I have often said,” said she, “that I wish’d government would employ you to settle the dispute for ’em. I am sure nobody could do it so well.”
Said I, “I thank you for the good opinion, but the ministers will never think of employing me in that good work; they choose rather to abuse me.”
“Ay,” said she, “they have behav’d shamefully to you.”
THE GOOD CHARACTER OF LORD HOWE
On Christmas day, I again visited Mrs. Howe. She told me as soon as I came in, that her brother, Lord Howe,53 wish’d to be acquainted with me; that he was a very good man, and she was sure we should like each other. I said I had always heard a good character of Lord Howe, and should be proud of the honour of being known to him. “He is but just by,” said she. “Will you give me leave to send for him?”
“By all means, Madam, if you think proper,” said I.
She rang for a servant, wrote a note, and Lord Howe came in a few minutes later. After some extremely polite compliments, he said he had a particular desire at this time, viz., the alarming situation of our affairs with America, which no one, he was persuaded, understood better than myself; that it was the opinion of some friends of his, that no man could do more toward reconciling our differences than I could if I would undertake it; that I had been very ill treated by the Ministry, and that he had much disapproved of their conduct toward me.
Mrs. Howe offered to withdraw, but I begg’d she might stay, as I desired no secret in a business of this nature that I could not freely confide to her prudence. I had never conceiv’d a higher opinion of the discretion and excellent understanding of any woman on so short an acquaintance. I begg’d his lordship to give me credit for a sincere desire of healing the breach between the two countries; that I would cheerfully and heartily do everything in my power to accomplish it; but that I apprehended from the King’s speech and from the measures talk’d of, that no intention or disposition of the kind existed in the present ministry. He wished me to draw up in writing some propositions containing the terms on which I conceived a good understanding might be obtained and established, which propositions, as soon as prepared, we might meet to consider. It was concluded to be best to meet at his sister’s, who readily offered her house for the purpose. I undertook accordingly to draw up something, and so for that time we parted, agreeing to meet
at the same place again on the Wednesday following.
I returned to town the next Wednesday in time to meet Lord Howe at the hour appointed. I apologiz’d for my not being ready with the paper I had promis’d, by my having been kept longer than I intended in the country. We had, however, a good deal of conversation on the subject, and his Lordship told me he could now assure me of a certainty that there was a disposition in Lord North and Lord Dartmouth to accommodate the differences with America and to listen favourably to any propositions that might have a probable tendency to answer that salutary purpose. He then ask’d me what I thought of sending person or persons over to America, commission’d to inquire into the grievances of America, converse with the leading people, and endeavor with them to agree upon some means of composing our differences. I said that a person of rank and dignity, who had a character of candor, integrity and wisdom, might possibly, if employed in that service, be of great use.
Mrs. Howe said, “I wish, brother, you were to be sent thither in such a service; I should like that much better than Lord Howe going to command the army there.”
“I think, Madam,” said I, “they ought to provide for Lord Howe some more honorable employment.”54
WHAT THE FRENCH CALL SPITTING IN THE SOUP
Lord Howe then took out of his pocket a paper, and offering it to me said, smiling, “If it is not an unfair question, may I ask whether you know any thing of this paper?” Upon looking at it, I saw it was a copy in D. Barclay’s hand of the Hints.55 I said that I had seen it, that I had been consulted on the subject, and had drawn up that paper. He said he was rather sorry to find that the sentiments express’d in it were mine, as it gave him less hopes of promoting my assistance in the wish’d-for reconciliation, since he had reason to think there was no likelihood of the admission of these propositions. He hop’d however that I would reconsider the subject, and form some plan that would be acceptable in Britain. He expatiated on the infinite service it would be to the nation, and certainly I might with reason expect any reward in the power of government to bestow. This to me was what the French call spitting in the soup. However, I promis’d to draw some sketch of a plan at his request, tho’ I much doubted, I said, whether it would be thought preferable to that he had in his hand. He was willing to hope that it would, but that it might possibly propose something improper to be seen in my handwriting; therefore it would be best to send it to Mrs. Howe, who would copy it and send the copy to him to be communicated to the Ministry, and return me the original. This I agreed to.
In a day or two, I sent the paper in a cover directed to the Honorable Mrs. Howe, who transcrib’d and sent the paper to Lord Howe in the country, and she return’d me the original. In this paper, I stated that Britain would lose nothing by repealing the acts that the Congress asked to have repealed; that Britain should authorize the next Congress and send a royal representative of stature to preside over it; then, having thus strengthened the hands of Britain’s American friends, ask for such reciprocal concessions as the government deemed necessary.
On the following Tuesday, Jan. 3, 1775, I receiv’d a note from her, enclosing a letter she had received from Lord Howe, which stated that the propositions of “our worthy friend” would make agreement much more difficult than he had anticipated, but he would forward them to the Ministry. Sometime after, perhaps a week, I received a note from Mrs. Howe desiring to see me. I waited upon her immediately, when she show’d me a letter from her brother, desiring to know from me whether the Assembly would approve of my payment of the tea as a preliminary redress of their grievances. As Mrs. Howe proposed sending [a packet] to her brother that evening, I wrote immediately the following answer, which she transcrib’d and forwarded: “The proposition remains unchanged, and my constituents would not agree to pay for the tea before redress of their grievances.”
A VISIT FROM THIS GREAT MAN FLATTERED MY VANITY
On the Sunday being the 29TH of January his Lordship Chatham came to town and called upon me in Craven Street. He brought with him his plan [of reconciliation with the American colonies] transcrib’d in the form of an act of Parliament, which he put into my hands, requesting me to consider it carefully. He was pleas’d to say that he knew no man so thoroughly acquainted with the subject, or so capable of giving advice upon it; that he thought the errors of the ministers in American affairs had been often owing to their not obtaining the best information ; that, therefore, though he had considered the business thoroughly in all its parts, he was not so confident of his own judgment, but that he came to set it right by mine, as men set their watches by a regulator. He stayed with me nearly two hours, his equipage waiting at the door, and being there while people were coming from church it was much taken notice and talk’d of, as was every little circumstance that men thought might possibly affect American affairs. Such a visit from so great a man, on so important a business, flattered not a little my vanity; and the honour of it gave me the more pleasure, as it happen’d on the very day 12 months earlier, that the Ministry had taken so much pains to disgrace me before the Privy Council.
“ONE OF THE MOST MISCHIEVOUS ENEMIES THIS COUNTRY HAS KNOWN”
On Wednesday Lord Stanhope, at Lord Chatham’s request, call’d upon me and carry’d me down to the House of Lords, which was very soon full. Lord Chatham, in a most excellent speech, introduc’d, explain’d and supported his plan. When he sat down, Lord Sandwich 56 rose, and in a petulant vehement speech oppos’d its being receiv’d at all, and gave his opinion that it ought to be immediately rejected with the contempt it deserv’d; that he could never believe it to be the production of any British peer; that it appear’d to him rather the work of some American; and turning his face toward me, who was leaning on the bar, said that he fancied he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country had ever known. This drew the eyes of many Lords upon me: but as I had no inducement to take it to myself, I kept my countenance as immovable as if my features had been made of wood. Then several other Lords of the administration gave their sentiments also for rejecting it, of which strong opinion was also the wise Lord Hillsborough. Lord Chatham, in his reply to Lord Sandwich, took notice of his illiberal insinuation that the plan was not the person’s who had proposed it, and declar’d that it was entirely his own, a declaration he thought himself the more oblig’d to make, as many of their Lords appear’d to have so mean an opinion of it.
THE GREATEST OF ABSURDITIES
To hear so many of these hereditary legislators declaiming so vehemently against, not the adopting merely, but even the consideration of a proposal [of Lord Chatham’s] so important in its nature, offered by a person of so weighty a character, one of the first statesmen of the age, who had taken up his country when in the lowest despondency, and conducted it to victory and glory thro’ a war with two of the mightiest kingdoms in Europe; to hear them censuring a plan not only for their own misunderstandings of what was in it, but for their imaginations of what was not in it, which they would not give themselves an opportunity of rectifying by a second reading; to perceive the total ignorance of the subject in some, the prejudice and passion of others, and the willful perversion of plain truth in several of the ministers; and upon the whole to see it so ignominiously rejected by so great a majority, and so hastily too, in breach of all decency and prudent regard to the character and dignity of their body as a third part of the national legislature, gave me an exceeding mean opinion of their abilities, and made their claim of sovereignty over three millions of virtuous, sensible people in America, seem the greatest of absurdities, since they appear’d to have scarce discretion enough to govern a herd of swine. Hereditary legislators, thought I. There would be more propriety, because less hazard of mischief, in having hereditary professors of mathematics! But this was a hasty reflection: for the elected House of Commons was no better, nor ever would be while the electors receive money for their votes, and pay money wherewith ministers may bribe their representatives when cho
sen.
WE DID NOT WISH FOR WAR
After this proceeding I expected to hear no more of any negotiation for settling our differences amicably. Yet in a day or two I received a note from Mr. Barclay, requesting a meeting at Dr. Fothergill’s the 4TH of February 1775 in the evening. I attended accordingly, and was surpris’d by being told that a very good disposition appear’d in the administration ; that the Hints had been considered, and several of them thought reasonable, and that others might be admitted with small amendments. The good doctor, with his usual philanthropy, expatiated on the miseries of war, that even a bad peace was preferable to the most successful war; that America was growing in strength, and whatever she might be oblig’d to submit to at present, she would in a few years be in a condition to make her own terms. Mr. B. hinted how much it was in my power to promote an agreement; how much it would be to my honor to effect it; and that I might expect not only restoration of my old place [Postmaster General], but almost any other I could wish for, &c. I need not tell those who know me so well how improper and disgusting this language was to me. The doctor’s was more suitable. Him I answered that we did not wish for war, and desir’d nothing but what was reasonable and necessary for our security and well being.
We had not at this time a great deal of conversation upon these points, for I shortened it by observing that while the Parliament claim’d and exercis’d a power of altering our constitutions at pleasure, there could be no agreement; for we were render’d unsafe in every privilege we had a right to, and were secure in nothing. And it being hinted by them how necessary an agreement was for America, since it was so easy for Britain to burn all our sea port towns, I grew warm, and said that the chief part of my little property consisted of houses in those towns; that they might make bonfires of them whenever they pleased; that the fear of losing them would never alter my resolution to resist to the last that claim of Parliament; and that it behoov’d this country to take care what mischief it did us, for sooner or later it would certainly be obliged to make good all damages with interest. The doctor smil’d, as I thought, with some approbation of my discourse, passionate as it was, and said he would certainly repeat it to Lord Dartmouth.
The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790) Page 11