I wonder at this, but I cannot therefore part with the comfortable belief of a divine Providence; and the more I see the impossibility, from the numbers and extent of his crimes, of giving equivalent punishment to a wicked man in this life, the more I am convinc’d of a future state in which all that here appears to be wrong shall be set right, all that is crooked made straight. In this faith let us comfort ourselves. It is the only comfort in the present dark scene of things that is allow’d us.
A PLAN FOR A UNIVERSAL AND PERPETUAL PEACE
In the course of the summer a man very shabbily dressed—all his dress together was not worth five shillings—came and desired to see me. He was admitted and, on being asked his business, he told me that he had walked from one of the mountains of Provence for the purpose of seeing me and showing me a plan which he had formed for a universal and perpetual peace. I took his manuscript and read it, and found it to contain much good sense. I desired him to print it. He said he had no money: so I printed it for him. He took as many copies as he wished for, and gave several away; but no notice whatever was taken of it.
The accounts of America’s rejoicing on the news of the Dauphin’s birth gave pleasure in France.118 Before he was even twenty-four hours old, I went as one of the wise men from the West rather than the East to show my adoration, which he received graciously. It was a happy event for France and for the queen, who was loved by France, and for me as I loved both and was always merry when I saw my friends happy. All ranks of that nation appeared to be in good humour with us, and our reputation had risen thro’ out Europe.
PRESSING ME FOR MORE MONEY
Congress continued to press my obtaining more money. The losses suffer’d in the West Indies, and the unforeseen necessary expenses for the reparation there and in France, rendered it more difficult, nigh impossible, tho’ the good disposition of the court toward us continued perfectly. Mr. Morris mentioned that ministers’ salaries were to be hereafter paid in America. I empowered him to remit mine and to do it regularly and timely; for a minister without money makes a ridiculous figure, tho’ secure from arrests. I took a quarter’s advance of salary from the 4TH of July, supposing it not intended to muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn.119
THE ENGLISH DRAW OUT THE NEGOTIATIONS AT LENGTH
Tho’ the English a few months earlier had seem’d desirous of peace, yet following their success in the West Indies, they desired rather to draw out the negotiations. They had at first some hopes of getting the belligerent powers to treat separately one after another; but finding that impracticable, they had, after several messengers sent to and fro, come to a resolution of treating with all together for a general peace, and at length agreed that the place would be Paris.
Mr. Grenville returned from Versailles, and told me that Lord Rockingham had died. He was at length recall’d. Mr. Fox also resigned, and Lord Shelburne was made first Lord of the Treasury; but no change was thereby made in the dispositions of that court for peace, &c. Mr. Fitz-Herbert arriv’d to replace him, with a commission in due form to treat with France, Spain and Holland. There were so many interests to be consider’d and settled in a peace between 5 different countries that it was well not to flatter ourselves with a very speedy conclusion.
A TREATY WITH MADAME BRILLON
During the peace negotiations, I fancied the opportunity to draw upon the following articles of a Peace Treaty proposed to Madame Brillon de Jouy: Passy, July 27, 1782
What a difference, my dear friend, between you and me! You find my faults so many as to be innumerable, while I can see but one in you; and perhaps that is the fault of my spectacles. The fault I mean is that kind of covetousness, by which you would engross all my affections, and permit me none for the other amiable ladies of your country. You seem to imagine that it cannot be divided without being diminish’d: In which you mistake the nature of the thing and forget the situation in which you have plac’d and hold me. You renounce and exclude arbitrarily everything corporal from our amour, except such a merely civil embrace now and then as you would permit to a country cousin; what is there then remaining that I may not afford to others without a diminution of what belongs to you? The operations of the mind: esteem, admiration, respect, and even affection for one object, may be multiply’d as more objects that merit them present themselves, and yet remain the same to the first, which therefore has no room to complain of injury. They are in their nature as divisible as the sweet sounds of the piano forte produc’d by your exquisite skill: twenty people may receive the same pleasure from them, without lessening that which you kindly intend for me; and I might as reasonably require of your friendship that they should reach and delight no ears but mine.
You see by this time how unjust you are in your demands, and in the open war you declare against me if I do not comply with them. Indeed it is I that have the most reason to complain. My poor little boy, whom you ought methinks to have cherish’d, instead of being fat and jolly like those in your elegant drawings, is meager and starv’d almost to death for want of the substantial nourishment which you his mother inhumanly deny him, and yet would now clip his little wings to prevent his seeking it elsewhere!
I fancy we shall neither of us get anything by this war, and therefore as feeling myself the weakest, I will do what indeed ought always to be done by the wisest: be first in making the propositions of peace. That a peace may be lasting, the articles of the treaty should be regulated upon the principles of the most perfect equity and reciprocity. In this view I have drawn up and offer the following, viz.
Article 1.
There shall be eternal peace, friendship and love between Madame B and Mr. F.
Article 2.
In order to maintain the same inviolability, Madame B on her part stipulates and agrees that Mr. F shall come to her whenever she sends for him.
Article 3.
That he shall stay with her as long as she pleases.
Article 4.
That when he is with her, he shall be obliged to drink tea, play chess, hear music, or do any other thing that she requires of him.
Article 5.
That he shall love no other woman but herself.
Article 6.
The said Mr. F in his part stipulates and agrees that he will go away from Madame B’s whenever he pleases.
Article 7.
That he will stay away as long as he pleases.
Article 8.
That when he is with her he will do what he pleases.
Article 9.
And that he will love any other woman as far as he finds her amiable.
Let me know what you think of these preliminaries. To me they seem to express the true meaning and intention of each party more plainly than most treaties. I shall insist pretty strongly on the eighth article, tho’ without much hope of your consent to it; and on the ninth also, tho’ I despair of ever finding any other woman that I could love with equal tenderness: being ever, my dear, dear friend,
Yours most sincerely,
B FRANKLIN
THERE WERE FEW PRIVATE HANDS WE COULD TRUST...
Accidents and a long severe illness interrupted my negotiations, but the arrival of Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams and Mr. Laurens relieved me from much anxiety, which must have continued if I had been left to finish the treaty alone; and it gave me the more satisfaction, as I was sure the business profited by their assistance. I also appointed my grandson Temple to perform and fulfill the duties of secretary to the commission.
My illness, the cruel gout, prevented my corresponding with Congress and Mr. Adams. The complaints of my not writing to Congress were also due to the difficulties in keeping up a regular and punctual correspondence. We were far from the seaports, not well informed, and often misinformed about the sailing of vessels. Frequently we were told they were to sail in a week or two, yet often they lay in port for months after, with our letters on board, either waiting for convoy, or for other reasons. The post office in France was an unsafe conveyance, many of t
he letters we received by it having evidently been opened, and doubtless the same happened to those we sent. At that time particularly there was so violent a curiosity in all trading people to know something relating to the negotiations, and whether peace may be expected or a continuation of the war, that there were few private hands or travelers that we could trust with carrying our dispatches to the sea coast; and I imagined they might have been opened sometimes, and destroy’d because they could not be well sealed again.
THE TREATY OF PARIS SIGNED
Much of the summer was taken up in objecting to the powers given to Great Britain, and in removing those objections. Using any expressions that might imply an acknowledgement of our independence seem’d at first industriously to be avoided. But our refusing otherwise to treat at length induced them to get over that difficulty. I received a letter from Mr. Secretary Townshend120 acquainting me that the King had consented to declare the independence of America as the first article in the treaty. By the first of these articles the King of Great Britain renounced for himself and successors all claim and pretension to dominion or territory within the thirteen United States.
And then we came to the point of making propositions. After some weeks, an undersecretary, Mr. Strachey, arriv’d with whom we had much contestation about the boundaries and other articles which he proposed. We spent many days in disputing, and at length agreed on and signed the preliminaries. The British ministers struggled hard for two points: that the favours granted to the Royalists should be extended, and our fishery contracted. We silenc’d them on the first, by threatening to produce an account of the mischiefs done by those people; and as to the second, when they told us they could not possibly agree to it as we required, and must refer it to the ministry in London, we produced a new article to be referr’d at the same time, with a note of facts in support of it. Apparently it seem’d that, to avoid the discussion of this, they suddenly changed their minds, dropped the design of recurring to London, and agreed to allow the fishery as demanded. By this article, fishery in the American seas was to be freely exercised by the Americans wherever they might have formerly exercised it while united with Great Britain, and that both peoples might continue to take fish of every kind in Newfoundland, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and all other places where the inhabitants of both countries used to fish.
Everyone of the British ministry present, while in the minority, declared the war against us unjust, and nothing was clearer in reason than that those who have injured others by an unjust war should make full reparation. They stipulated too in these preliminaries, that in evacuating our towns they should carry off no plunder, which was a kind of acknowledgement that they ought not to have done it before.
In sum, our independence was acknowledged, our boundaries were good and extensive as we demanded, and our fishery more so than the Congress expected. Immediately after the conclusion of the proposed treaty, we agreed to a firm and perpetual peace between the two nations; that all hostilities, both by sea and land, would immediately cease; that all prisoners on both sides would be set at liberty; and that the British would, without causing any destruction, withdraw all their armies, garrisons and fleets from the United States.
We communicated all the articles as soon as they were signed to Mr. Le Comte de Vergennes, who justly observed that we did not consult him before they were signed and therefore were guilty of neglecting a point of bienséance. I informed the minister that this single indiscretion of ours was not from want of respect for the King, whom we all loved and honored, and hoped it would be excused. I told him that nothing was agreed in the preliminaries contrary to the interests of France, and that no peace was to take place between us and England till he had concluded theirs. He said that we had manag’d well, and told me that we had settled what was most apprehended as a difficulty in the work of a general peace by obtaining the declaration of our independency.
I was soon after taken ill with the gravel and sciatica, which together harass’d and confin’d me for some time. But thanks to God I was freed from both, tho’ the sciatica left me weak on the left side, so that I went up and down stairs with difficulty.
The preliminaries of peace between France, Spain and England were signed on January 20, 1783, and a cessation of arms agreed to by the ministers of those powers, and by us in behalf of the United States. I informed the Congress of this act, which was very advantageous to France and Spain. I congratulated our country on the happy prospects afforded us by the finishing so speedily this glorious revolution.
Chapter Nine
Minister to France, 1783–85
My Last Years in Paris
At length we were at peace, God be praised; and long, very long may it continue! Having entered my 78TH year, with public business having engrossed fifty of them, I wished to be, for the little time I had left, my own master. I longed earnestly for a return to those peaceful times when I could sit down in sweet society with my philosophical friends, communicating to each other new discoveries, and proposing improvements of old ones, all tending to extend the power of man over matter, and avert or diminish the evils he is subject to, or augment the number of his enjoyments. Much more happy should I be, thus employ’d, than in that of all the grandees of the earth projecting plans of mischief, however necessary they may be supposed for obtaining greater good. I once reminded the Congress of their promise to dismiss me, happy to sing with old Simeon, Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.
MR. ADAMS FANCIED THAT WE WERE CONTINUALLY PLOTTING AGAINST HIM
It was our firm connection with France that had given us weight with England, and respect throughout Europe. Mr. Adams, however, was of a very different opinion in these matters. He thought the French minister one of the greatest enemies of our country; that he would have straitened our boundaries to prevent the growth of our people, contracted our fishery to obstruct the increase of our seamen, and retained the Royalists among us to keep us divided; that he privately opposed all our negotiations with foreign courts, and afforded us during the war the assistance we received, only to keep it alive, that we might be so much the more weaken’d by it; that to think of gratitude to France was the greatest of follies, and that to be influenc’d by it would ruin us. He made no secret of his having these opinions; expressed them publicly, sometimes in the presence of the English ministers; and spoke of hundreds of instances which he could produce in proof of them. None, however, yet appear’d to me, unless the conversations and letters were reckoned such. I think they did not go further than to occasion a suspicion, but we had a considerable part of anti-gallicans in America who were not Tories, which consequently produced some doubts of the continuance of our friendship. As such doubts might have a bad effect, I think we could not take too much care to remove them.
I heard frequently of Mr. Adams’s ravings against M. de Vergennes and me, whom he suspected of plots against him which had no existence but in his own troubled imaginations. I took no notice, and we were civil when we met. He supposed that the Count de Vergennes and myself were continually plotting against him and employing the news writings of Europe to depreciate his character, &c. but as Shakespeare says, “Trifles light as air,” &c. I am persuaded, however, that Mr. Adams meant well for his country, was always an honest man, often a wise one, but sometimes and in some things, absolutely out of his senses.
I have observed some enemies in England, but they are my enemies as an American; I have also two or three in America, who are my enemies as a minister: but I thank God there are not in the whole world any who are my enemies as a man; for by his grace, thro’ a long life I have been enabled so to conduct myself that there does not exist a human being who can justly say, Ben Franklin has wrong’d me. This is, in old age, a comfortable reflection. All of us have enemies. But let not that render us unhappy. If we make the right use of them, they will do us more good than harm. They point out to us our faults; they put us upon our guard; and help us to live more correctly.
THIS MONSTROUS PRIDE AND INSOLENCE
The revolutionary war terminated quite contrary to the expectations of my friend and printer in London Mr. William Strahan. I still have a regard for him in remembrance of our ancient friendship, tho’ he had, as a member of the Parliament, dipped his hands in our blood. He did not believe me when I told him repeatedly that England would lose her colonies, as Epictetus warn’d in vain his master that he would break his leg. He believ’d, rather, the tales he had heard of our poltroonery and impotence of body and mind. I then reply’d, “Do you not remember the story you told me of the Scotch sergeant who met with a party of forty American soldiers and tho’ alone, disarm’d them all and brought them in prisoners?” He appear’d to believe this story. He also believ’d, apparently, the lie of the French troops and our army having killed each other. His believing such falsehoods would have been of less consequence if he had not propagated them by his chronicle, in the last of which I saw two lying letters said to be from New York but actually fabricated in London.
I am reminded of British General Clarke, who had the folly to say in my hearing at Sir John Pringle’s that, with a thousand British grenadiers, he would undertake to go from one end of America to the other and geld all the males, partly by force and partly by a little coaxing. It is plain he took us for a species of animals very little superior to brutes. The Parliament, too, had believ’d the stories of another foolish general, I forget his name, who said that the Yankees never felt bold. A Yankee was understood to be a sort of yahoo, and the Parliament did not think the petitions of such creatures were fit to be received and read in so wise an assembly.
The Compleated Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (1757-1790) Page 28