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by Lee Miller


  This is the sum of the primary evidence. Taken together, it presents a convincing picture of Wingina as paramount leader of the Secotan, whose territory included Secota (the chief town), Aquascogoc, Pomeioc, and the towns of Dasamonquepeuc and Roanoke at the very least, and portions of the Outer Banks and Washington and Tyrrell Counties as well. The evidence does not sustain a picture of a Roanoke tribe separate from the Secotan and, for this reason, I have chosen to treat Wingina, Roanoke, and the Secotan as part of the same political entity.

  *Additional proof, by the way, that Lane’s men did not reach the Chesapeake Bay, where the Powhatan Empire comprised more than thirty national towns.

  APPENDIX B: THE MEANING OF MANDOAG AND NOTTOWAY

  Mandoag and Nottoway art both epithets traditionally employed by Algonquian speakers to designate foreign, generally enemy, nations. In proto-Algonquian, they appear as: menkwew (and its derivatives: maquas, mingo, mango ge, mandoag) and natowewa (from which: nottoway, natowe-wok, nadowe, etc.). Because of geography, the recipients of these names were often neighboring Iroquoian speakers, although this was not always the case. For example, the word Sioux, applied to Siouan-speaking Lakota and Dakota, is a corruption of the Chippewa word nadouessi (cf. nottoway).

  The picture is complicated by the fact that neither word, Nottoway nor Mandoag, has been translated to the satisfaction of linguists, though, roughly speaking, both mean “enemy.” Natowewa appears to be related to the word atowe, “to speak a foreign language” (Fenton, “Northern Iroquoian Culture Patterns,” p. 320), though Morgan (“Indian Migrations,” p. 52) defines the term as “marauders”; Gerard (“Tapehanek Dialect,” p. 326) as “he goes to seek flesh to eat,” i.e., a cannibal; and Schoolcraft (Indian Tribes, 5, pp. 36-7) as a compound composed of nado, or “adder, snake” + awasie, a “beast.” Mooney (Hodge, Handbook, 11, p. 87) agrees with Schoolcraft, as does Siebert (“Proto-Algonquian na:tawe:wa,” pp. 635-42), who derives the word from na:t, “to close [in] upon” + awe, a “state of warmth,” rendering “seeker of warmth” as applied to the mississauga pit viper.

  Problematic as the word Nottoway is, Mandoag is even more so. Linguists assert that it is unanalyzable (Fenton, ibid., p. 320). Interestingly, manato, maneto also means “snake” in Shawnee, making it comparable to nottoway (Pearson, Shawnee Language, p. 25; Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 168). Manato and Mandoag sound very similar (t’s and d’s, and k’s and g’s, are often interchangeable depending on dialect and on European perceptions and orthography) and, on this basis, at least, one might propose that manato and Mandoag, Mangoag, Menkwew, and Mengwew are all derived from the same root.

  Morgan (ibid.) relates the word nottoway to the Ojibway nayadowa, “one who comes stealthily and takes,” i.e., “a marauder,” which is similar to nadink, “the act of getting.” It is interesting, then, to compare this with the Natick words manado, “to buy”; magu, “he gives or sells”; mau-goke, “give you”; and noh maguk, “a giver, a seller” (Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, p. 266). Is there, in fact, a connection between the words Mandoag/Mangoag and manado, maugoke, nayadowa, etc.? The Eno Mandoag were the enemies, but they were also those who were aggressive at trade. The Eno bought and sold.

  Whatever the derivation, the conclusions that may be reached concerning both words are three: (1) The terms mandoag and nottoway were applied to enemy nations by Algonquian speakers. These enemy nations were non-Algonquian, but not necessarily Iroquoian, for the terms were applied to Siouans as well. In the case of Virginia/North Carolina, Siouans dominated the Piedmont, so we should not be surprised to discover them referred to by these terms. (2) There is no inherent relationship (though one is not precluded) between the Mandoag/Mangoag of North Carolina and the Nottoway of Virginia on the basis of name alone, except that neither were Algonquian. The Chippewa, for example, referred to the Iroquois (the Seneca, in particular) as natowe, to the Wyandot as natowe, and to the Lakota as nadouessi. All are variants of the word Nottoway, yet the Wyandot, the Seneca, and the Lakota are entirely distinct nations. (3) A clue to the meaning of the name Mandoag may be found in words relating to buying and selling; enemy nations in control of trade might indeed be equated with snakes.

  Finally, given the identification of the Eno (the Yeinari, “the disliked”) as advanced in this book, their role as aggressive middlemen who controlled coastal Algonquian access to the Occaneechi trade would indeed make them “Mandoag.”

  NOTES AND REFERENCES

  I THE DISAPPEARANCE

  1 The Roanoke Island settlement has not yet been found. Therefore little is known of the houses themselves (Harrington, “Archeological Explorations”). Darby Glande, at Roanoke in 1585, said that bricks were made for use in their construction (ch. 9, n. 13). Since Ananias Dare was a bricklayer and tiler (Hulton, America, 1585, p. 7), it is likely that his skills were utilized in 1587. According to Hentzner in 1598 {Travels, p. no), common homes in England were built of wood, but “those of the richer sort with bricks.”

  2 For an account of the 1587 voyage, see Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), pp. 764-71.

  3 See Chapters 21-4; also McMillan, Raleigh’s Lost Colony; Gotten, The White Doe; Amer, The Lost Colony in Literature; Howe, Solving the Riddle of the Lost Colony.

  4 The events in this chapter and all quotes contained therein, unless otherwise noted, are taken from John White’s February 4, 1593, letter and account printed in Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1600), m, pp. 287-95.

  5 According to Pedro Diaz, a Canary Island pilot who visited Roanoke in 1586, the sound was so shallow that a person could walk across it to the mainland (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 11, p. 789).

  6 An estimated two thousand shipwrecks lie off the Outer Banks (Neil Morgan, “Home to North Carolina,” National Geographic Magazine, 157 [3], March 1980, p. 341).

  7 Brown, Genesis, 1, p. 99.

  8 Wright, Further English Voyages, doc. 69, p. 244.

  9 The original text reads “Gwathanelo,” a place as yet unidentified. Sams {Conquest of Virginia, p. 293, n. 4) took this to mean Guatemala. Quinn {Roanoke Voyages, 11, p. 601, n. 6) proposes Point Guanjibo, Hispaniola. A more likely suggestion, however, is Guantanamo, Cuba. An aspirated h (of which there are numerous Elizabethan examples: hit he for height, Wathling for Wattling, lanthorn for lantern in Stow, Survey, 1, pp. 26, 250; 11, pp. 352, 357-8) would render Guatanelo and Guantanamo a close match.

  10 Wright, Further English Voyages, doc. 68, p. 244.

  11 Oré, Relación de los Mártires (1936), p. 48.

  12 Wright, Further English Voyages, doc. 70, p. 246; doc. 73, p. 257. For the attack, see ibid., pp. 245-57.

  13 Ibid., 71, enclosure 2, pp. 253, 256.

  14 The hurricane season lasts from August to October, peaking in early September. Many of the violent storms reported off the Outer Banks by the Roanoke expeditions were almost certainly hurricanes or lesser tropical depressions.

  15 Wave action has since changed the barrier island configuration. From John White’s map (De Bry, America, 1, pi. 1), Croatoan Island appears to have been a fusion of modern-day Ocracoke Island with the southern portion of Hatter as Island. Roanoke Island lay to the north of Croatoan and inland from the banks, some forty-five miles away.

  16 Modern Pea Island/Hatteras Island extending south perhaps to the vicinity of Rodanthe.

  17 The fires may have been no more than conflagrations induced by lightning from the recent storms, yet signal fires are well documented for the central Atlantic coastal region. In Maryland: Father Andrew White’s account of Pis-cataway fires on the Potomac River, 1634 (White, A Briefe Relation, in Hall, Narratives of Early Maryland, p. 40). Virginia: Percy’s Observations (1907), pp. 10-11. North Carolina: Ecija’s 1609 report of smoke signals set two to three leagues apart and stretching inland along the entire North Carolina coast, some for the purpose of hailing ships. (Quinn, New American World, v, pp. 145-7). Georgia: Oré, Relación (1936), p. 36.

  18 Kenricks, or Kindrickers, Mounts is no longer a physical
feature of the Outer Banks. Quinn {Roanoke Voyages, 11, p. 864) locates it on Hatteras Island, near the present-day town of Rodanthe.

  19 Thirty men left the Hopewell with Spicer and White, with fifteen men per shallop.

  20 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), pp. 770-1. See also Chapter 7 for the colonists’ roster.

  21 The Hopewell was already close, lying just off the north end of Croatoan Island.

  22 The treasure fleet — filled with gold, silver, and other American commodities — departed from Havana for Spain twice each summer, and returned to the West Indies each January and August (Lowery, Spanish Settlements, 11, pp. 11-12).

  23 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1600), m, p. 294; Wright, Further English Voyages, doc. 89, p. 283.

  2 A CASE OF MISSING PERSONS

  1 Camden, The History (1688), pp. 380-1.

  2 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), pp. 768-9.

  J.MWX.CO flLJ IY.C,.r.CIVIL, IM ^.CO

  3 Ibid., p. 769.

  4 Sir Edward Norreys to Essex, Salisbury Mss., vi, p. 5.

  5 Anonymous, Willobie His Avisa, Had. Mss. 6849, cant, LIIII, fol. 48a.

  6 Quinn, in particular, finds John White meek and ineffective as an expedition commander (Roanoke Voyages, 11, p. 503). The same sentiment is repeated elsewhere by Hulton and Quinn (American Drawings, p. 17). This, of course, was the conclusion that White’s enemies hoped would be reached; see Chapter 19.

  3 JOHN WHITE: GOVERNOR

  1 Nichols, The Progresses, 11, p. 228.

  2 In his 1593 letter to Hakluyt, White said that he had been to Virginia five times. There were five known voyages to Roanoke: 1584, 1585, 1586, 1587, 1590.

  3 Hakluyt, Principal! Navigations (1589), p. 735.

  4 White’s drawings are reproduced in Hulton, America, 1585; Hulton and Quinn, American Drawings. The originals are in the Prints and Drawings Division of the British Museum, 1906-5-9-1.

  5 Hulton, America, 1585, p. 8.

  6 Accounts of Frobisher’s expedition are found in Hakluyt, Principal! Navigations (1589); Collinson, Martin Frobisher, pp. 117-206; Deacon, John Dee, pp. 85-9.

  7 Deacon, John Dee, pp. 85, 87.

  8 For the capture of the Nugumiut prisoners and the Bloody Massacre, see Collinson, Martin Frobisher, pp. 130-43. Calichoughe was not seized at Bloody Point with the woman and child but was taken on the coast a month earlier. The prisoners’ names were recorded on the postmortem report and burial register; see ibid., p. 191; Quinn, New American World, iv, pp. 216-18. Platter copied the words “Ginoct Nutioc”—the names of mother and daughter — written above Ketel’s Nugumiut portrait on display at Hampton Court; Travels (1937), p. 201.

  9 For Calichoughe’s injuries, see n. 12, below.

  10 Quinn, New American World, 11, p. 44; Platter, Travels (1937), p. 201.

  11 For John White’s painting style described here and throughout this chapter, see Hulton and Quinn, American Drawings, 1, esp. pp. 9-11; Hulton, America, 1585, pp. 35-8; Quinn, New American World, 11, p. 30; Binyon, English Water-colors, pp. 2-3. Binyon credits White as the founder of the English school of watercolor.

  12 For Frobisher’s disaster, see Collinson, Martin Frobisher, pp. 359-62; Quinn, New American World, iv, pp. 180-1, 225; for Michael Lok, the financier, see Dictionary of National Biography, xn, p. 92; Rowse, Expansion, p. 194; for Calichoughe’s death and Dr. Dodding feeling “bitterly grieved,” see Collinson, ibid., pp. 189-91 (in Latin); State Papers Domestic, Elizabeth, Nov. 25, 1577, cxviii, 40 i (Latin); Quinn, New American World, iv, 216-18 (translated).

  13 Suggested by Hulton, America, 1585, pp. 7, 35.

  14 For White’s painting technique, see n. 11 above.

  15 Wirtemberg, True and Faithful Narrative (1865), p. 44.

  16 Hulton (America, 1585, p. 20) and Hulton and Quinn (American Drawings, 1, p. 9) suggest that White did not draw these figures from life, but copied them from a costume book.

  17 Lee, Huguenots in France and America, 1, p. 134.

  18 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1600), in, p. 301.

  19 Hulton, America, 1585, p. 36; Hulton and Quinn, American Drawings, 1, p. 9; 11, plates 60-1; LeMoyne’s drawings are found in De Bry, America, 11.

  20 Title page to De Bry, America, 1. White was the official artist on the 1585 expedition. Since he also accompanied the first expedition of 1584, it is not unreasonable to assume that he might also have been commissioned then to make a pictorial record for Raleigh to distribute to the Queen and potential investors.

  21 Hakluyt (the elder), Inducements (1602), item 31.

  22 White’s annotated drawing of an alligator, British Museum, P & D, 1906-5-9-1 (72); Hulton, America, 1585, plate 10, p. 46.

  23 In Latin, author’s translation, Moffett, Insectorum…; Hulton and Quinn, American Drawings, 1, pp. 24, 48-9, 71-2, 134-5.

  24 Gerard, Herball, pp. 709-10.

  25 Title page to De Bry, America, 1.

  26 A point also made by Adams, “An Effort to Identify John White,” p. 89; Hulton, America, 1585, p. 19.

  27 Virginia Dare was born on August 18, 1587. Assuming that Eleanor’s term was normal, her pregnancy would have been almost into its sixth month when the ships left England on May 8.

  28 In 1560 the average age for marriage was twenty-one or twenty-two; Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, pp. 652-4.

  29 Hakluyt, Princip all Navigations (1589), p. 769. For Cutbert White, see ibid., pp. 770-1. For Butlers, see White’s coat of arms in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, 11, p. 509; College of Arms, Ms. Vincent Old Grants, 157, fol. 397. For Thomas Payne, see Hulton, America, 1585, pp. 20-6.

  30 College of Arms, ibid.

  31 Hulton, America, 1585, p. 7.

  32 “master,” Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, in (1600), p. 288; “gentleman,” College of Arms, Ms. Vincent Old Grants, 157, fol. 397; Hulton and Quinn, American Drawings, p. 13; Adams, “An Effort to Identify John White.”

  4 OF LONDON

  1 Wirtemberg, True and Faithful Narrative (1865), p. 7.

  2 Stow, Survey (1908), 1, pp. 11-18, 160, 168-70, 333, 345.

  3 Hentzner, Travels (1865), p. in.

  4 Williams, Elizabeth, pp. 221-4.

  5 Stow, Survey (1908), 11, p. 212.

  6 Ibid., 11, pp. 211-12.

  7 For descriptions of London, see Rye, England as Seen by Foreigners; Stow, Survey; Norden, Notes on London and Westminster; Smith, Brief Description; Platter, Travels; Dekker, Seven Deadly Sins.

  8 Smith, Brief Description.

  9 Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 395.

  10 Platter, Travels (1937), p. 153.

  11 Stow, Survey (1908), 1, p. 84.

  12 Platter, Travels (1937), PP- *54; i53~4-

  13 Dekker, Dead Tearme, p. D4.

  14 Dekker, Guls Horn Booke, Chapter iv.

  15 Platter, Travels (1937), p. 226.

  16 Stow, Survey (1908), 1, p. 26.

  17 Wirtemberg, True and Faithful Narrative (1865), p. 9; for the camel see Platter, Travels (1937), p. 173.

  18 Moryson, Itinerary, pt. 3, p. 53.

  19 Stubbes, Anatomie, pp. Hviii-1.

  20 Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 317.

  21 Fuller, Worthies (1840), 11, p. 342. Webster’s dictionary (gth New Collegiate Dictionary, p. 255), however, derives Cockney from the Middle English word cocken [cock] + ey [egg], thus cock’s egg. Not so, according to Fuller.

  22 Fuller, Worthies (1840), p. 343.

  23 Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 387.

  24 Ibid., p. 387.

  25 Camden, Remains (1674), P- 327- Or Luke Hutton’s version, “Love me, and hang my dog!” from The Black Dog of Newgate [1596].

  26 Camden, Remains (1674), P- 541-

  27 Ibid., p. 536.

  28 Ibid., p. 393.

  29 Harrison, Description of England (1968, Georges Edelen’s translation of Harrison’s Latin), pp. 132-3, n. 17.

  30 Smyth, Hundred of Berkeley (1883-5), m> P- 27-

  31
Camden, Remains (1674), p. 299.

  32 Stubbes, Anatomie, pp. I, lii.

  33 Ibid., p. Lii.

  34 Walker, Manifest Detection (1850), p. 41.

  35 Stubbes, Anatomie, pp. Nii, N.

  36 Ibid., pp. Gvii-viii.

  37 More, Utopia (1906), Book 2, p. 113; for pregnancies and venereal disease, Stubbes, Anatomie, pp. Niv-v; Greene, A Disputation, pp. 206, 224-5; Dekker, Lanthorne and Candlelight, p. 364.

  38 Stubbes, Anatomie, pp. Liii-iv.

  39 Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 340.

  40 For the thieves’ school at Smart’s Quay, see Judges, Elizabethan Underworld, xxxix; Rye, England as Seen by Foreigners, p. 268, n. 123; Walker, Manifest Detection (1850), p. 103; “the pitiful cries …,” Stubbes, Anatomie, p. Kviii.

  41 Bacon, “Of Seditions and Troubles,” Essays (1887), p. 143.

  42 Stubbes, Anatomie, Lviii.

  43 Ibid., p. Lviii.

  44 For a description of bear baiting, see Platter, Travels (1937), pp. 168-70; Stubbes, Anatomie, section P; Wirtemberg, True and Faithful Narrative (1865), pp. 45-6.

  45 Farley, St. Paules-Church, the bill for the Parliament (1865), pp. 188-9.

  46 “general contempt…” Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 235; “from the highest…” Stubbes, Anatomie, p. Jvii.

  47 Harrison, Description of England (1807), pp. 308-9; see also Harman, Caveat or Warning; Dekker, O per se O.

  48 Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 276.

  49 Ibid., p. 329.

  50 Camden, Remains (1674), P- 386.

  51 Stubbes, Anatomie, p. K.

  52 Camden, Remains (1674), p. 401.

  53 Harrison, Description of England (1807), p. 392.

 

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