by Lee Miller
10 Shirley, Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 240. It was Spain that demanded, and secured, Raleigh’s execution from James; ibid., p. 222; Edwards, Raleigh, 1, pp. 246-7. Raleigh, said Aubrey, fell a sacrifice to Spanish politics; he was “the great scourge and hate of the Spaniard”; Brief Lives (1898), 11, p. 189. According to Hawks (quoting Monson, Naval Tracts), Raleigh’s spectacular 1596 raid on Cadiz forever remained Spain’s most embarrassing blow; History, 1, p. 37. Carew Raleigh agreed. Raleigh “lost his life,” he said, “for being their enemy”; Irwin, Great Lucifer, p. 290. Hariot outlived Raleigh by only two years, dying on July 2, 1620, reputedly of mouth cancer; Morley, “Hariot,” p. 62. However, it was probably skin cancer — contracted, perhaps, from sun exposure on the Outer Banks — for Aubrey said “on the top of his nose came a little red speck (exceedingly small) which grew bigger and bigger, and at last killed him”; Brief Lives (1898), 1, p. 286.
11 Harlow, Last Voyage, p. 315.
12 Fuller, Worthies (1840), 111, p. 176; for White’s coat of arms, see Chapter 3, n. 29.
13 Personal communication from Tecumseh Cook, Chief, Pamunkey Nation, 1992.
14 For Pory’s history, see Powell, John Pory.
15 Copland, Virginia’s God Be Thanked.
16 Virginia Company, Note of the Shipping (1906-35), ill, p. 641.
17 Anon., A Perfect Description, p. 10.
18 For the fighting at Jamestown, see Waterhouse, A Declaration; The Barbarous Massacre printed in Purchas, Pilgrimes (1905-7), xix, pp. 157-64; Virginia Company, Records, m, pp. 551-5; for Nathaniel Powell among the dead, see Purchas, Pilgrimes, pp. 162-3.
19 Powell, Roanoke Colonists, p. 225; Powell, John Pory, p. 124. See also ibid., p. 100, n. 75, which suggests that Lost Colonists Alice and John Chapman may also have been related to Pory.
20 Smith, General Historie, p. 16.
24 DEEP IN THE INTERIOR
1 Bacon, “Of Simulation and Dissimulation,” Essays (1887), p. 72.
2 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1600), in, p. 293.
3 Ibid., p. 769.
4 Ibid., p. 767.
5 The theory that White’s colony divided was cogently proposed by Quinn in England and the Discovery of America, pp. 441-2. However, I propose that a much smaller number of colonists remained at Croatoan, composed especially of those women who had recently given birth and those with infants too young to travel. Although the majority of White’s company moved inland, there is absolutely no evidence that they ever reached Virginia or the Chesapeake Bay. Any theory that proposes to account for their disappearance must explain how they were reduced and dispersed in such a way that survivors subsequently appeared at multiple locations, and in such small numbers that miscegenation was not noticeable to later European travelers. Quinn’s theory (Set Fair, p. 350) that the “inland” party maintained themselves intact for twenty years but lost contact with those remaining at Croatoan due to time and distance is not as tenable an explanation as that the inland group was in trouble from the very beginning and was dispersed soon after their settling, so that they could not make contact with Croatoan. The distance was not great.
6 Barbour, Jamestown, 1, p. 26.
7 Hariot, Briefe and True Report (1589), pp. 756, 762.
8 Lane to Walsingham, September 8, 1585, State Papers Colonial, 1/1, 6.
9 Smith, General Historie, p. 87; Smith, Proceedings, p. 90.
10 Hakluyt, Principan Navigations (1589), p. 738.
11 Hariot, Briefe and True Report (1589), p. 761.
12 For pandemics, see Brasser, “Early Contacts,” p. 83; Salwen, “Southern New England,” pp. 171-2; for Luna see Hudson et al., “Tristan de Luna Expedition”; for an account of a sick servant left by de Soto among the Coosa, see Garcilaso de la Vega, Florida of the Inca, p. 347; “pleased Almighty …” Archdale, Description (1911), p. 285.
13 Smith, Proceedings, p. 60.
14 Anon., Brief Description of the People.
15 The Powhatan directed Smith’s search for the Lost Colonists to the Chowanoc first, indicating that this was either where they thought members of White’s company would be, or where information about them could be obtained. Later instructions issued to Thomas Gates in 1609 stated that members of White’s company were thought to be at “Chonahorn Ohona-horn” on “the River Choanocki.” In the margin someone wrote, “Ohona-hoen, chief seate”; Virginia Company, Records, in, p. 17. Lane listed “Ohanoak” as a Chowanoc town, otherwise known as the “blind town.” It appears on White’s map as Ohaunoock — possibly a printer’s error for Chaunoock [Chowanoc].
16 Hakluyt, Principal! Navigations (1589), p. 729.
17 Ibid., pp. 730, 732.
18 Salwen, “Indians of Southern New England,” pp. 171-2.
19 Archdale, Description (1911), pp. 285-6, 289.
20 For repercussions attending the collapse of the southern chiefdoms, see Smith, “Indian Responses,” pp. 143-9.
21 Hakluyt, Principal! Navigations (1589), p. 767.
22 Ibid., p. 732.
23 Ibid., p. 743.
24 Smith, Map of Virginia, p. 25.
25 Archer, A Relatyon (1910), p. xlvi. Nauiraus was the name of the Arrohattoc guide.
26 Jefferson, Notes on the State (1801), p. 137.
27 See Chapter 10, n. 38.
28 Hariot, Briefe and True Report (1589), p. 761.
29 Virginia Company, Records, 111, p. 17.
30 Barbour, “Earliest Reconnaissance,” p. 297, though Gerard (cited by Swan-ton, Indian Tribes, p. 66) proposes its meaning to be “falls in a current.” Tooker gives Powh-atan, “the falls town,” “Meaning of the Name Anacos-tia,” p. 392. If so, “the falls town on the Roanoke” — Mandoag territory — is a very interesting definition indeed.
31 Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 86. Bushneil, “Virginia Before Jamestown,” p. 131, also speculated that Strachey was referring to a leader on Roanoke Island.
32 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), p. 732.
33 Virginia Company, Records, 111, p. 228.
34 Smith, General Historie, p. 33. For the treatment of captives, see Lauber, Indian Slavery; for adoption, see Speck, “Tutelo Rituals,” p. 3.
35 Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 36.
36 Smith, Map of Virginia, p. 27.
37 Despite the bizarre attack on Dasamonquepeuc, it is by no means certain that the colonists did fight back. They were settlers, unused to frontier warfare, and many may have surrendered. They might not, in fact, have had a great deal of ammunition available to them. If so, the number of survivors may have been appreciably higher than 30 percent. That this was possible is evidenced by the 1578 discovery by Florida governor Pedro Menendez Marqués of more than a hundred Frenchmen from the destroyed Huguenot settlement of Santa Elena on the South Carolina coast alive in the interior and dispersed among the local chiefs. The principal leader himself was reported to have been harboring forty; Quinn, New American World, v, p. 26.
38 Virginia Company, Records, in, p. 17; Ashmolean Mss. 1147, f. 175-90. In the margin of the document, beside “Ohonahorn,” is written the word “Ohonahoen.” Bushneil reads “Gepanocon” as “Sepanocon,” and theorizes that the name was Siouan; “Virginia Before Jamestown,” p. 131.
39 Virginia Company, A True and Sincere Declaration.
40 Barbour, Jamestown, 11, p. 279.
25 WHO ARE THE MANDOAG?
1 Hakluyt, Principan Navigations (1589), p. 743.
2 Bland’s journey and the quotes contained in this section, unless otherwise noted, are taken from Bland, Discovery of New Brittaine.
3 The Tuscarora nation consisted of some twenty-two towns located between the Neuse and Tar Rivers, in an area roughly bounded by modern-day Kin-ston and Greenville; Swanton, Indian Tribes, pp. 85-6; Library of Congress, Captain John Evans Mss. submitted for publication.
4 For the identification of Hocomowananck, see n. 75.
5 For the etymology of the word Mandoag, see Appendix B.
6 Rickard, “Use of Native Copper,” pp. 268-
70; Feder, Copper and the Indian, p. 98; Hurst and Larson, “On the Source of Copper,” pp. 177-81; Reynolds, “Algonkin Metal-Smiths,” p. 345; Goad, “Exchange Networks,” pp. 46-88, 210-14.
7 Reynolds, “Algonkin Metal-Smiths,” p. 348; Rickard, “Use of Native Copper,” p. 275.
8 Purchas, Pilgrimes (1905-7), xix, pp. 153-4; Reynolds, “Algonkin Metal-Smiths,” p. 348.
9 Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 36.
10 Liteu, “it burns,” Brinton and Anthony, A Lenapé-English Dictionary, p. 67, in which / replaces r in North Carolina dialects. Compare to the word for “fire,” in Quiripi rout and Natick nootau (Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, p. 143, n replacing r). Ives Goddard supplied the word lu:t:e:hoki in Unami, with the caveat that it is unattested (personal communication). Its meaning is roughly “fire land,” or “burned land,” in which case the ending is aki, “land.” Since Ritanoc was recorded as a specific location, I am inclined to think that the ending is the locative oc (unk in Delaware) as recorded for this region by Hariot (see Tooker, The Names Chickahominy, p. 87). The n in Ritanoc may be the result of scribal error for an intended h.
11 Hakluyt’s dedicatory epistle to Virginia Richly Valued. Strachey, writing from Jamestown, said that “the Indians talk of… copper to the Southward,” Historie (1849), p. 33. “Ritanoe” is a copyist error for “Ritanoc.” Ritanoc appears in other versions, cf. Gates’s instructions in Virginia Company, Records, m, p. 17.
12 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), p. 751.
13 Reynolds, “Algonkin Metal-Smiths,” p. 347. Tooker (“Discovery,” p. 9) would appear to be unique in locating Chaunis Temoatan beyond the Blue Ridge and Cumberland Mountains entirely. The route, he suggested, was “by tortuous paths” across Kentucky, to a locale in Gallarín County, Illinois. Both failed to consider that the Appalachians are not the only mountains in North Carolina. To the seventeenth-century residents of Jamestown, the Piedmont was consistently described as mountainous; Strachey, Historie, p. 25. See n. 30.
14 Hakluyt, Princip all Navigations (1589), pp. 740-1.
15 Ibid., p. 741.
16 Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 34; Smith, General Historie, p. 42.
17 Hakluyt, Princip all Navigations (1589), p. 738.
18 Carpenter, Metallic Mineral Deposits of the Carolina Slate Belt. In 1857 Hawks identified this same general region as Chaunis Temoatan, History, 1, p. 123.
19 In the General Archives of Simancas, Legajo E2386, f. 145.
20 Brown, Genesis, 1, p. 185.
21 Ashe, History of North Carolina, 1, pp. 43, 48-9.
22 Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, 1, p. 240; Barbour, “Ocanahowan,” p. 4.
23 Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, pp. 371-3; Quinn, England and the Discovery, pp. 460-2.
24 In addition to Fishing Creek, the smaller Tranters Creek flows into the river closer to its mouth, west of the modern town of Washington.
25 See n. 75 for the suggested location of Ocanahowan on the Roanoke River.
26 White’s map of Eastern North America, British Museum, P & D 1906-5-9-1 (2). Quinn also pointed out the composite nature of White’s map, portions of which are incorrectly oriented; New American World, 11, p. 55.
27 Carpenter, Metallic Mineral Deposits of the Carolina Slate Belt.
28 “prodigiously large trees …” Byrd, Dividing Line (1866), p. 181; for the Great Trading Path, see also Myer, “Indian Trails”; Rights, “Trading Path.”
29 Lederer, Discoveries (1912), p. 154; see also Fallam, Journal; Tisdale, Story of the Occoneechees; Rights, “Trading Path”; Alexander, “Indian Vocabulary.”
30 Lawson, History of North Carolina (1903), p. 26. The printed editions of Lawson’s History differ, reading both “small currents” and “small swift currents.” Rights (“Trading Path,” p. 13) calls the Carraways the “forgotten mountain range.”
31 Byrd, Journey to Eden (1866), p. 9.
32 Byrd, Dividing Line (1866), p. 180. Myer (“Indian Trails,” p. 775) concedes that the Great Trading Path was prehistoric, but believes that its apex wasn’t reached until the advent of European trade. Although the latter certainly had a tremendous impact, the wealth and influence of the Occaneechi were already well established by the time the first English traders/explorers reached them and identified their language as the lingua franca for a vast region. For a more accurate understanding of what its pre-European configuration may have been, see the regional redistributive model iv proposed by Goad (“Exchange Networks,” pp. 42-3, 219), though her reading of Stra-chey places the copper center in northwestern North Carolina.
33 Lederer, Discoveries (1912), p. 154. Goad (“Exchange Networks,” p. 197), working with Middle Woodland material from Georgia, lists indigenous southeastern exchange items of copper, mica, galena, hematite, ochre, and shell. Smith (General Historie, pp. 87-8) said that the Piedmont people southwest of Jamestown traded skins for dried fish and corn from the nations on the coast. Barlowe (Principall Navigations [1589], pp. 728-33) obtained buffalo skins from the Secotan, which likely came via the Occaneechi from interior herds. Lederer (Discoveries, p. 170) noted shells (roanoke and peak), pearl, vermilion, and quartz among Carolina trade items, while Evans mentioned the Tuscarora obtaining salt; Library of Congress, Captain John Evans Mss. Lawson encountered Tuscarora traders bound for Occaneechi Island “to sell their wooden bowls and ladles for raw skins”; 1 (1903), p. 31. Yeardley (Narrative [1911], p. 28) was informed by the Tuscarora in 1654 tnat “tne way to the sea was a plain road, much travelled for salt and copper.”
34 According to Swanton, the meaning of Occaneechi is “unknown.” Speck suggested a derivation from the Tutelo word for man, yuhkañ; Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S., p. 218. That Occaneechi is an Algonquian word, however, and not Siouan, is attested by the presence of the Woconichi River in northeastern Quebec. Danielle Sioui, Adario Sioui Masty, and Anne (Samson) Masty of Whapmagoostui, Hudson Bay, suggest “Place where people gather.” Compare to Natick wokonóus, “fence, palisade, fort,” Trum-bull, Natick Dictionary, p. 196; Abenaki oua’kanroúzen, meaning “fort,” Rasles, Dictionary of the Abnaki Language, p. 457, similar to Lederer’s Ake-natzy. Perhaps Cree ichi, “to go from one place to another,” implies going to, or congregating at, such a fort or location, if such a construction is possible in Algonquian.
35 Beverly, History of Virginia (1855), pp. 161, 171.
36 John Fontaine visited Fort Christanna in 1716 and recorded a “Saponi” vocabulary, the then generic name for the Siouan nations grouped at the fort, which included the Saponi, Tutelo, Occaneechi, Stuckanox, and Meipontski; Alexander, “Indian Vocabulary.” Alexander was the first to propose that Fontaine’s vocabulary was the famous Occaneechi trade jargon described by Beverly. Ives Goddard noted that either it indeed represented the Occaneechi trade jargon, or the words were obtained from various individuals at the fort who spoke different languages; Goddard, “[Review of] An Indian Vocabulary from Ft. Christanna,” p. 220. Although there may have been non-Siouan-speaking individuals present at Fort Christanna, neither Iroquoian nor Algonquian nations were lodged there, so the former explanation appears the most likely.
37 Lederer, Discoveries (1912), pp. 152-3. The coastal people from whom the Saponi had taken the pearl were said to dwell in “Florida,” yet “Florida” was the term by which the Spaniards called the coast from Florida to the Chesapeake Bay. The island of Wococon on the Outer Banks was, according to Spain, in central Florida; Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, p. 255. The Saponi, therefore, might have got the pearls from anywhere along the coast, though more likely from North Carolina rather than farther south; proof that interior Siouan nations did raid those along the coast. What effect, if any, the fall of the Secotan-Chowanoc-Weapemeoc alliance had on regional politics has yet to be determined.
38 Lederer, Discoveries (1912), pp. 155-6, 143.
39 Locke, Memorandum (1912), pp. 211, 215, 224-5.
40 Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 26. Editors of the 1973 Princeton Univ
ersity edition (from the Percy mss.) of Strachey read the word as Peccarecanick. The difference may be due to variations in the three manuscript copies of Strachey, or to more powerful magnification tools available in 1973 with which to read it.
41 Ibid., p. 26.
42 Ibid., pp. 55, 195.
43 “Peccarecamicke you shall find …” Virginia Company, Records, 111, p. 17; “Peccarecamek {Pace are canick in Percy Mss., Princeton)…” Strachey, Historie (1849), P- 36. Cree apisk, Anderson, Plains Cree Dictionary, p. 2, a noun, denoting metal or iron (a suffix); Pequot apess, perpetuated in the name of the famous William Apess (formerly spelled Apes until the same pronunciation mistake regarding simians forced an orthographic change. Apess himself changed the spelling to Apess); Wicocomoco tapisco, Oré, Relación, p. 51. Although the exact Chesapeake Bay nation was not named in the original, the description of its location makes Wicocomoco the most likely choice. The word tapisco was understood by the Spaniards to mean gold. See also apsk in Penobscot, Bond, Native Names of New England, p. 61, and ompsk in Natick, Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, p. 106.
44 Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 102.
45 Tooker, Algonquian Names of the Siouan Tribes, pp. 22-6, 32, 49.
46 Speck, Tutelo Rituals, p. 2.
47 People who think the Mandoag were the Tuscarora: Ashe, History of North Carolina, 1, p. 86; Paschal, The Tuscarora Indians. Quinn (Lost Colonists, p. 47; Set Fair, pp. 108, in, 371, 373), Painter (“Last of the Nottoway,” p. 36), and Binford (“Ethnohistory,” pp. 122-3) proposed that there were actually two sets of Mandoag. Quinn suggested that the Mandoag who visited Lane’s winter camp were Meherrin, while the Mangoaks who had copper and lived beyond the Moratuc were the Tuscarora. Elsewhere (Roanoke Voyages, n, p. 857), he grouped the Mangoak, Mandoag, Mandoak, Mandoage, and Mon-goack together as variant names for the same people. Painter and Binford supposed that all of Lane’s accounts of the Mandoag were Tuscarora, but identified the Mangoage of 1607 as the Nottoway. Quinn also suggested (ibid., 1, pp. 257, n. 6, 265) that the Mandoag may have been the Nottoway, though he locates them west of the Moratuc and Chowanoc, between the Roanoke and Chowan Rivers, which was outside recorded Nottoway territory. Gepanocon and the Eyanoco he assigned to the Chowanoc, which then led him to believe that the Chowanoc had acquired copper. Durant {Ralegh’s Lost Colony, p. 69) equates the Mandoag with a generalized “Iroquoi” [sic], and postulates that they were part of an alliance (along with the Tripanicks and Oppossians) that later formed the basis of the Powhatan Confederacy.