Tilak also taught Sanskrit. He would teach Meghdoot by Kalidas and Bhratruhari’s Naishadh Kavya. These lectures were more interesting to many of his students. Tilak had a knack of making the poetry even more appealing and he was wonderful at explaining the technique of how one shlok led to another. His ability of going to the basis of any subject enthused many of his students to deeply explore the subject of their study. When he taught English he would usually explain the gist of a paragraph rather than explaining it word by word. Tilak appeared intimidating but was extremely warm at heart and the students knew it. Teacher and students shared an excellent rapport.
After Tilak left the society, he started law classes. The fees were four rupees a month and even though the rule was that no one would be allowed in without the fees, Tilak did make some exceptions for sincere but badly off students. Tilak also had a young lawyer for an assistant and taught once every alternate day. When too involved with the newspapers, Tilak was often delayed or cancelled the lectures. After coming to the class, he browsed through the books of the relevant subject for a few minutes before starting on the lecture. His lectures were so remarkable that at times established lawyers came and attended them.20
Tilak also had definite views on women’s education. He wrote editorials on the topic in Kesari and Mahratta. He objected to the curriculum of the girls’ school which followed that of British schools. He believed that since the cultural and social background of Indian girls was totally different from that of British girls, the curricula had to be different. He also objected to the school timing of six hours. He recommended a half-day school, which would enable the girls to balance housework and studies.
Tilak identified the lack of Sanskrit learning as one of the causes of India’s downfall. At a speech delivered at Barshi many years later he said, “That which gives us a knowledge of the experience of our ancestors is called education . . . How can a person be proud of his religion if he is ignorant of it? The want of religious education is one of the causes that brought the missionary influence all over our country.”21
Tilak advocated a three-point programme against British rule which included the boycott of British goods, in particular, textiles; swadeshi or the promotion of Indian goods, industries and commerce; and national education. This entailed the founding of national schools throughout the country including in villages, which would be independent of the British government and would use their own textbooks. The main points outlined by Tilak were:
1. Religious education which was necessary to give young Indians knowledge of their spiritual heritage and build up their character. He said, “Religious education is necessary because the study of high principles keeps us away from evil pursuits. Religion reveals to us the form of the Almighty. Our religion says that a man by virtue of his action can become even a god. When we can become gods even by virtue of our action, why may we not become wise and active by means of our action like the Europeans? Some say that religion begets quarrels. But I ask, ‘Where is it written in religion to pick quarrels?’ If there be any religion in the world which advocates toleration of other religious beliefs and instructs one to stick to one’s own religion, it is the religion of the Hindus. Hinduism to the Hindus, Islamism to the Musalmans will be taught in these schools, and it will also be taught there to forget the differences of other religions.”
2. Education in vernacular languages. Tilak asserted that they would “lighten the load of the study of the foreign languages”. He pointed out how “in spite of a long stay in India no European can speak for a couple of hours fluent Marathi, while our graduates are required as a rule to obtain proficiency in the English language. One who speaks and writes good English is said, in these days, to have been educated. But a mere knowledge of the language is no true education. Such a compulsion for the study of foreign languages does not exist anywhere except in India. We spend twenty or twenty-five years for the education, which we can easily obtain in seven or eight years if we get it through the medium of our vernaculars. We cannot help learning English; but there is no reason why its study should be made compulsory.”
3. Industrial education, which would help India become independent from foreign-controlled industries. Tilak said in his speech at Barshi,
In no school is this (industrial) education given. It will be given in these schools. It is an important thing. During the whole of this century we have not known how a match is prepared. In Sholapur matches are manufactured from straw; and straw is found abundantly in our country. If therefore this industry is taken into our hands the importation of matches will largely decrease in India. It is the same with the sugar industry. We can procure here as good sugarcane as is found in Mauritius. It is seen by scientific experiments that the sugarcane found in the suburbs of Poona can produce as much sugar as is found in the sugarcane of Mauritius. Six crores of rupees are drained out every year from this country only for sugar. Why should this be? Well, can we not get sugarcane here? Or the machinery necessary for its manufacture? The reason is that we do not get here the education in this industry. It is not so in Germany. The Department of Industry investigates there as to which industry is decaying, and if perchance there be any, in a decaying state, substantial support at once comes forth from the Government for reviving it. The British Government, too, does the same thing in England. But our Government does not do it here. It may be a mistake or the Government may be doing it knowingly, but it is clear that we must not sit silent if the Government is not doing it. We are intending to start a large mechanical and scientific laboratory. National Education for this purpose. Sugar produces Rab and from Rab is extracted liquor, but the Government does not permit us this extraction; hence we cannot get cheap sugar here. Mauritius imports to this country twenty thousand tons of sugar every year. All this is due to the policy of the Government, but we do not know it. The Government will be obliged to change it if we put pressure upon it. We have come to learn these things not earlier than twenty-five years after leaving the college. Our young men should know them in their prime of life.
4. Political education that would raise the nation’s consciousness of its situation. Tilak said,
We are not given such education as may inspire patriotic sentiments amongst us. In America the Proclamation of Independence is taught in V or VI classes [sic]. In this way they train their children in politics. Some eighty or ninety years ago the industries of Germany declined on account of the rivalry between England and that country. But the German Government at once started scientific and mechanical education in that country. In this way Germany became so powerful in commerce that she has now become an object of dread to other countries. Properly speaking these things ought to be done by the Government itself. We pay taxes to the Government only that it may look after our welfare. But the Government wants to keep us lame. There is conflict between the commercial interests of England and India. The Government therefore cannot do anything in this matter. There being no convenient schools in the villages, our villagers cannot train their children. We must therefore begin this work. There has been a good deal of discussion over this matter. And in the end we have come to the conclusion that for proper education national schools must be started on all sides. There are some of our private schools but owing to the fear of losing the grant-in-aid, the necessary education cannot be given there. We must start our own schools for this education. We must begin our work selflessly.
Tilak also campaigned for the militarisation of the Indian people, demanding the establishment of military colleges and a militia force.
A brilliant student and a teacher to the core, for Tilak the concept of education went far beyond the periphery of an academic institution. Education was meant to nurture patriotic sentiments among the people, which would eventually lead them to challenge the legitimacy of British rule and shake off the chains of foreign subjugation.
Chapter Three
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEMPORARIES
It is impossible to discuss Tilak’s li
fe without looking at some of his contemporary social and political figures. These men, great minds themselves, had their public lives interwoven with that of Tilak, and together they formed a fine fabric of patriotism, brilliantly rich in the hues of social and political reform. Some of them shared his ideology; others differed. But whatever their differences, these men loved their country equally. They fought for its well-being in their own way, in the process making the socio-political scenario of the time vibrant and alive. Through their interaction with Tilak, they helped spur on the struggle for nationalism both directly and indirectly.
Some like Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Mahadev Govind Ranade, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Lala Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal and Aurobindo Ghosh came in contact with him more than others. Their names have been taken in the same breath as Tilak in the history of the country. Some like Barrister Jinnah and Maulana Hasrat Mohani do not fall in the same category but their inclusion is significant from the point of view that a true nationalist like Tilak transcended the boundaries of diverse religious beliefs and backgrounds to work with a rich variety of people for the cause of the nation. This chapter looks only at some of the names, impossible as it is in a limited space to list out all the leaders, social reformers, historians, political thinkers, journalists, editors, and revolutionaries of the time, who worked alongside or parallel to Tilak.
Tilak had some lifelong friends, associates, and lieutenants. Tilak’s core group comprised Ganesh Shrikrishna Khaparde, Vasudeo Ganesh Joshi, Balwant Ramchandra Natu, Daji Abaji Khare, Moreshwar Gopal Deshmukh, Ganesh Krishna Garde, Vinayak Ramchandra Patwardhan, Raghunath Pandurang Karandikar and Mahadev Govind Abhyankar. Khaparde, a close aide who looked after legal matters for Tilak, has left behind his diaries, very precious for biographers of Tilak due to their rich insights into Tilak’s life.
Among Tilak’s trusted lieutenants were Narsimha Chintaman Kelkar (his secretary and biographer), Shivram Mahadev Paranjpe (the editor of Kal and a close friend), Bhaskar Bhopatkar, Krishnaji Prabhakar Khadilkar (the nationalist playwright), Laxman Ramchandra Pangarkar, Shankar Ganesh Lawate, Ramchandra Narayan Gurjar, Krishnaji Vasudeo Karmarkar and Sitaram Keshav Damle.
Some of Tilak’s friends turned into his ideological opponents but despite the exchange of bitter words and passionate debates Tilak maintained a feeling of affection for them. They, on their part, acknowledged the greatness of the man and never doubted the sincerity of his feelings for the country. The foremost among them were Agarkar and Gokhale.
Agarkar, who started off as Tilak’s closest friend and a fellow-soldier in the battle for freedom and social reform was also Tilak’s cellmate in the Dongri jail. As the editor of Kesari in the initial years, Agarkar spent four and a half months behind bars with Tilak. Friends since their student days, co-founders of the New English School and the Deccan Education Society, as also editors of newspapers that were brought out of the same stable, Tilak and Agarkar shared a complex relationship. Both men, equal in their greatness, their passion for their country and their zeal to better it, differed bitterly on their views towards social reform. Agarkar was a secular rationalist reformer who propagated modern ideas of individual freedom, rationalism, and social justice. Born in a poor family in Tembhu village of the Satara district in Maharashtra, Agarkar faced a lot of hardship in his growing years. He had to take up many odd jobs to be able to complete his education. At one point of time he had to resort to asking for madhukari (food offered to students) to sustain himself. He worked as a doctor’s assistant to dispense medicines and as an apprentice in the government revenue office to be able to pay his fees. In 1875, he passed the matriculation examination and shifted to Poona for further studies, securing admission in the Deccan College where he met Tilak. During those days, Agarkar supported himself by writing articles for various newspapers, winning elocution and essay writing competitions, and through scholarships.
Agarkar was as fired as Tilak by the idea of serving his motherland. Both Tilak and Agarkar were inspired by the writings of noted essayist Vishnushastri Chiplunkar. The three of them, along with a group of enthusiastic young graduates, established the New English School in 1880. Both Tilak and Agarkar served as teachers. Tilak edited the English newspaper Mahratta and Agarkar, the Marathi newspaper Kesari, before Tilak took it over completely.
After the Deccan Education Society was formed, and the Fergusson College set up, Agarkar, like Tilak, started teaching in the college. He later became the principal. Agarkar was a man who believed that through a social revolution all undesirable practices like child marriage and casteism should be destroyed before attaining political freedom. He clashed with Tilak over his viewpoints. The newspapers had a wide variety of opinions in the editorials as people of differing viewpoints wrote them. Tilak and Agarkar couldn’t see eye to eye on social reforms. Agarkar was in favour of women’s education. Tilak believed that a woman should be content with her lot in life and her virtue was affectionate devotion to her husband and children. Wrote Agarkar in Kesari: “What greater foolishness is there than to say that by good education and by acquiring learning, women will become immoral, impudent, and irresponsible? To suppose that education and learning will have such an effect upon women is to insist that they are not human beings, because we find that knowledge does not have such an effect upon us men.”22
Agarkar’s chief belief was that social reform had to take place before the country aimed for freedom. Tilak gave priority to attaining freedom. This led to such severe differences between them that they were unable to work together any longer and Agarkar resigned from the editorship of Kesari in October 1887 to start his own newspaper Sudharak (Reformer) in 1888. When Agarkar resigned, Tilak wrote that there was “no one amongst us who, by virtue of his personal character, could have commanded respect and admiration from the rest, thus exercising an effectual control over all”. Tilak and Agarkar both, as journalists, talked not only of nationalism of Maharashtra but also wrote editorials attacking the “foreigners however benevolent their intention might be”.
Tilak and Agarkar also had differences while working in the Deccan Education Society over certain financial policies and owing to it all Tilak left the institution he had helped found. In his letter of resignation he wrote: “While serving the Deccan Education Society for over a decade, I worked with others in the Society for a noble cause and therefore, it was with a feeling of deep regret that I took the decision to leave the Society . . . I assure you that it was only after a great struggle with my own feelings that I came to this conclusion. In fact, I am now giving up my life’s ideal with the aim that by separating myself from it, I shall serve it best, and to the best of my satisfaction.” He did not just defend himself but was candid enough to write: “I am deeply conscious of my fault, which, I know, has given at times reason to some of my colleagues to be offended by me. The chief fault that I am aware of in me is my manner of expressing myself in strong and sharp language . . . But I can assure you that if I spoke strongly it was because I felt strongly for the interests of the institutions.”
Agarkar’s writings were chiefly his editorials in the newspapers which he edited. But he has also given a very interesting account of his imprisonment along with Tilak during the Kesari days. It is called Dongrichya turungatil ekshe ek divas (The 101 days in the Dongri prison) in which he writes how he and Tilak coped with the situation by discussing the plans that they could undertake in the course of their work as also by remembering their college days. The incarceration had strengthened their bond. Among other things they also discussed literature. Like Tilak, Agarkar too was influenced by both Indian and Western literature and had a profound understanding of all literary genres. While undergoing the prison term he worked on the translation of Hamlet called Vikar Vilasita.
Agarkar’s social thought was influenced by Darwin, Mill, and Spencer. A secular rationalist who considered equality, consent, and freedom to be important factors in the political and social context, he defined social progressiveness as a system
that provided reasonably equal comforts for all.
Agarkar gave the dimensions of judicious rationalism to the process of social reform in Maharashtra, aiming for change through a philosophy based on scientific and rational thought. A staunch supporter of individualism, he constantly re-examined all prevailing social ideas and institutions. He believed that out-dated social customs and traditions would have to be eradicated or modified to suit the times. An uncompromising rationalist, Agarkar opposed Grantha-Dharma-Pramanya (blind following of religious scriptures and practices without examining them in the context of the present times). Some of his essays reflected his disillusionment with the British rule and suggest ideas to combat the situation. His essays like Teen Arthashastre (Three types of economics), Ingraji rajyachi ulat baju athva amche ghor daridrya (The reverse side of English rule or Our poverty), Hindusthanas kshyaya lagla (India suffers from consumption), Vachal tar chakit vhal (You will be surprised to read this) expose the degenerating effects of the British rule on India. In his essays he advocated promotion of trade and emphasised the need for political agitation.
Agarkar was as fearless as Tilak when it came to attacking wrongdoing and he castigated with daring honesty many social evils. His writings, like those of Tilak’s, were powerful enough to create public opinion. Through a process of analysis and criticism, Agarkar created an atmosphere where reason would prevail and change would take place. Time and again he urged his contemporaries not to be deterred by vichar-kalaha (thought-conflict or differences of opinion) which led to a clarification of issues and principles. In his essay “Tarun sushikshitas vidnyapana” (An open letter to young graduates) he wrote: “The evils of Hindu society arose not from an excess of thought-conflicts but because of the absence of it.”23 In his essay “Devotpattivishayi shevatche char shabda” (The last words on the origin of God) Agarkar wrote: “The highest state of religion is a belief that the self would merge in an absolute. . . ‘Aham Bramhasmi’. This is an apotheosis of individualism.”
Lokmanya Tilak- the First National Leader Page 8