Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco

by Judy Yung

  During the early 19oos, attending church was often the only acceptable outside activity allowed girls by immigrant parents. In 1920, almost all of the Chinese children (close to one thousand) attended Sunday school in Chinatown. In addition, many young people participated in choirs and church-sponsored debates and athletic events. By 1930 there were ten churches in Chinatown competing against each other to attract the second generation into their folds: the Chinese Presbyterian, Methodist Episcopal, Chinese Congregational, Chinese First Baptist, Salvation Army, Chinese Cumberland, Protestant Episcopal, Chinese Independent Baptist, St. Mary's Catholic, and Seventh Day Adventist. Having failed to convert many of the first generation to Christianity-less than z percent of the Chinese population was Christian in 1892-missionaries attempted to attract their offspring. Catering to the interests of the young people, the various churches offered a range of activities, including Bible classes, club activities, Saturday night socials, discussion groups, and summer recreational programs. In 1930, the largest mission was the St. Mary's Catholic Chinese Center. Aside from being a parochial school through the eighth grade for children during the day, it was a Chinese school in the late afternoons and a social center for young adults in the evenings. Chinese girls met there on Friday nights to cook, paint, play the piano, sew, or participate in drama or basketball. The center also sponsored a science club for both boys and girls and provided young members with vocational guidance, which was sorely lacking in the public schools.'°s

  By reaching out to the second generation in this way, Chinatown churches hoped to fulfill their mission of simultaneously Christianizing and acculturating this growing group of Chinese Americans. Most Chinese girls participated in church more for social than for religious reasons. Alice Sue Fun, for example, considered attending embroidery classes at the Chinese Congregational church a social highlight of her childhood, while many others, like Jade Snow Wong, became Americanized through their participation in Christian organizations such as the Chinese YWCA. But even as they adopted Western ways and middleclass values, they did not totally forsake the Chinese values and customs fostered by their families and community. Most continued to maintain traditional values of respect for the elderly, family harmony and unity, discipline and excellence in education and work, as well as an appreciation for Chinese opera and art, food, and celebrations. In this way, they were pragmatic like their mothers, taking what was useful to them from Western religion and seeing no contradiction in practicing both cultures at the same time.

  In the 192os, second-generation girls were particularly drawn to the Chinese YWCA because its wide range of services met many of their needs. It provided them with a quiet place to study; a library collection for leisure reading; kitchen and bath facilities, which were appreciated by those from crowded homes; a piano and sewing machine; access to the swimming pool at the Central YWCA; classes in gymnastics, American cooking, dressmaking, and music; employment and housing assistance; and social interaction in recreational clubs that were organized and run democratically by the girls themselves. 106

  The YWCA also groomed its members for civic duty. Its oratorical contests, cosponsored with the YMCA, helped women develop public speaking skills, self-confidence, and political consciousness. One competition, for example, focused on "Our Duty to Serve Chinatown."107 Emma Lum, who won first prize, later became the first Chinese woman to practice law in California in 19 5 3. The YWCA constantly reminded Chinese American women to exercise their right to vote, and it also nurtured their participation in fund-raising efforts and major events in the community. Moreover, the Girl Reserves was often the only avenue by which some Chinese girls socially interacted with other races outside Chinatown. In these ways, the YWCA helped them broaden their social life, develop their leadership skills, and become more active in group functions and community affairs.

  Christianity, along with Chinese nationalism, also inspired the founding of the Square and Circle Club, the earliest and most enduring service organization of second-generation Chinese women. It all began on a Sunday afternoon in -1924 when seven young women-Alice Fong, Daisy L. Wong, Ann Lee, Ivy Lee, Bessie Wong, Daisy K. Wong, and Jennie Lee-got together as usual after Sunday service at the Chinese Congregational church to chat, read the Sunday papers, and do the crossword puzzle. That day, an article about flood and famine in the Guangdong area of China caught their attention. This distressful news stirred them to action. Organized as the Square and Circle Club-in keeping with the shape of the Chinese coin and a Chinese motto, "In deeds be square, in knowledge be all-around"-the young women embarked on their first fund-raising event, a jazz dance benefit to be held outside Chi- natown.10s The nationalist cause that had spurred their social activism was no different than that which had first propelled their mothers into the public arena; but the modern, bicultural style of their first event clearly reflected their unique identity as American-born Chinese women with middle-class values.

  The local newspaper called attention to this unconventional event, which marked the debut of a new generation of Chinatown daughters:

  "Shake Wicked Hoof in Yankee Hop" Chinese Jazz Dance Tonight: Square and Circle Club to Give Real American "Hop"

  A new blend of the oriental and the occidental in San Francisco! Sixteen little Chinese co-eds are sponsoring an American jazz dance.

  To those who know the customs of old China, this undertaking of the flappers of Chinatown is a remarkable event in the annals of convention smashing....

  The dance combines the characteristics of both peoples-American jazz by Chinese orchestra, and American dancing by Chinese girls in American party frocks and high heels.

  As observed by the reporter, second-generation women were breaking out of their traditional gender mold in assuming the responsibility for organizing a major fund-raising event in the same way that other American girls did:

  The members of the Square and Circle Club-American-born Chinese girls-have startled Chinatown with their occidental managing of a dance to be given tonight in Native Sons' Hall at Geary and Mason streets for the benefit of the Chinese Flood and Famine Relief.

  "Usually the Chinese Chamber of Commerce or the Six Companies are in charge of these charitable and public affairs," Alice Fong, presi dent of the girls' club, said today. `But we wanted to help, too. American girls can do these things. Why shouldn't we? "109

  Charter members of the Square and Circle Club, founded in 1924. Clockwise from top: Alice Fong (Yu), Daisy K. Wong, Ann Lee (Leong), Jennie Lee, Bessie Wong (Shum), Ivy Lee (Mah), and Daisy L. Wong (Chinn). (Judy Yung collection)

  In the years that followed, the club's membership roll continued to grow, stabilizing at about eighty members and attracting secondgeneration women looking for a social niche to express their bicultural identity and civic pride. As was true of other American women's clubs at this time, members tended to be middle-class women who were well educated and employed in white-collar or professional work. Likewise, almost all of the club's activities focused on charity projects that were extensions of women's domestic role as caregivers.110 Proceeds from American-style fund-raisers-hope chest raffles, variety shows, musical performances, and fashion shows-were used primarily to support orphans at the Chung Mei Home, Ming Quong Home, and Mei Lun Yuen; Chinese patients at the Laguna Honda Home and Chinese Hospital; and youth programs at the Chinese YWCA and YMCA. Like the earlier Chinese Women's Jeleab Association, the Square and Circle Club followed the American practice of democracy by establishing bylaws that stipulated equal and active participation from its members. Both clubs also shared the goal of providing mutual aid to their exclusively female members. During the early years, the Square and Circle Club established a Friendship Fund, whereby grants and loans could be made to young women for educational, health, and emergency use. Other activities included helping women find jobs, working with the Chinese YWCA to establish and operate its dormitory, and entering the only women's float in the Chinese New Year parade in the late 19zos.111

  A
lthough none of the Chinese women's organizations addressed feminist issues at this time, the Square and Circle Club did take a number of strong stands on racial, social, and political issues that affected the welfare of the community. Club minutes indicate that letters were written to government officials asking for longer hours and better lighting at Chinese Playground, a dental and health clinic for Chinatown, retention of Chinatown's only Chinese-speaking public health nurse, public housing, and passage of immigration legislation favorable to the Chinese. The club also worked with other community organizations to register voters, clean up Chinatown, protest racist legislation such as the Dickstein Nationality Bill and the Texas Anti-Alien Land Bi11,11z and support the anti-Japanese war effort in China.

  To this day, although its influence has waned, the Square and Circle Club continues to function as a women's service organization in San Francisco. To its credit, countless numbers have benefited from its generosity and from being members in the organization. At a time when few social channels were open to American-born Chinese women, the Square and Circle Club provided them with an opportunity to belong, to socialize with peers, and to exercise their civic duty. In the process, the women developed self-confidence, leadership skills, a newfound spirit of teamwork, and took pride in their bicultural heritage and community service. As Ruth Chinn, an active member since 1948, commented in her 1987 senior thesis on the Square and Circle Club:

  The Hope Chest Raffle brought the members together. A night was set aside for knitting, embroidering, and crocheting to fill the Hope Chest. The shows and musical extravaganzas were projects that brought to the forefront the many talents of the individual members. They were superstars, whether playing the lead or bit part in a show, singing in the choral group, dancing in the chorus line, sewing costumes, set designing, making the props, writing the script, or being the "director"-we did it all! ... Together, not only did we have fun (although frustration, anger, and anxiety went along with it all) producing the shows, we also raised impressive funds to fill our coffers to support our many community service commitments. 113

  Like the Chinese YWCA, the Square and Circle Club was established under the auspices of a Protestant institution, but as the group developed the church ceased to be a binding force among its members. Although acculturation into American life remained a goal, it was not to be realized at the cost of losing their Chinese heritage. What kept both organizations viable was the growing population of Chinese American women, their continued exclusion from mainstream society as well as the Chinatown establishment, and the organizations' effectiveness in serving the social needs of women. At the same time that the services of the Chinese YWCA and Square and Circle Club benefited the Chinatown community, the leadership training that members received encouraged them to participate more actively in the political arena.

  A Dual Political Identity

  Compared to their mothers, second-generation women played a relatively active political role. Their birthright, higher educational attainment, and Western orientation all served to heighten their political consciousness and desire for civic participation. Whereas their immigrant mothers had only been encouraged to contribute to Chinese nationalist causes, American-born daughters became involved in both Chinese and U.S. politics. Even as they sought ways to express their loyalty to America, they did not shirk their responsibilities to their parents' homeland.

  This dual political identity was planted in the psyches of the second generation at an early age. Their family upbringing, Chinese school training, and community involvement emphasized their duty to China, while their public school education and social activities instilled in them a strong desire to be exemplary American citizens. However, their efforts to exercise their birthright were constantly thwarted by racial discrimination. Even their citizenship status had to be protected by constant vigilance. In 1913 and again in 1923, California legislators introduced bills in Congress intended to disfranchise citizens of Chinese ancestry. The Cable Act of 1922 stipulated that a female citizen who married an "alien ineligible to citizenship" would lose her U.S. citizenship. In all three instances, the Chinese American Citizens Alliance fought successfully to protect the rights of the second generation. 114 Nevertheless, citizenship status often did not guarantee Chinese Americans equal treatment. The discrimination they experienced in school, the workplace, in public areas, housing, and marriage made them feel all too keenly their real status as second-class citizens. The following sentiments of two secondgeneration Chinese Americans were all too common:

  I speak fluent English, and have the American mind. I feel that I am more American than Chinese. I am an American citizen by birth, having the title for all rights, but they treat me as if I were a foreigner. They have so many restrictions against us. I cannot help it that I was born a Chinese.

  I thought I was American, but America would not have me. In many respects she would not recognize me as American. Moreover, I find racial prejudice against us everywhere. We are American citizens in name but not in fact. 115

  Unlike Mexican Americans and Japanese Americans, who, experiencing the same discriminatory treatment, refused to stake their futures in their parents' homelands, many Chinese Americans approaching adulthood in the 119zos turned to China as a possible solution to American racism.116 Well aware of their limited opportunities for gainful employment and meaningful integration into American society, they were equally cognizant of China's need for their skilled labor. The question that nagged their consciences was "Does my future lie in China or America?" When the Ging Hawk Club of New York sponsored an essay contest on this theme, a respondent chord was struck in the hearts and minds of second-generation Chinese Americans throughout the country.' 17 The range and complexity of their answers illustrate the depth of their dilemma in the face of racial discrimination, cultural conflict, and the issue of national identity. One point of view was expressed by the firstplace winner, Robert Dunn, a student at Harvard University:

  Ever since I can remember, I have been taught by my parents, by my Chinese friends, and by my teacher in Chinese school, that I must be patri otic to China. They have said: "You should be proud of China's four thousand years of glorious and continuous history, of her four hundred million population, and of her superior culture and civilization. You must be thankful for the traditions and customs you have inherited as a member of the yellow race. What is more, you would not be living if it were not for your ancestors and parents who are Chinese. Most certainly, then, you are obliged to render service to China, especially in these days of need and stress and humiliation. Don't you realize that the Chinese are mocked at, trodden upon, disrespected, and even spit upon? Haven't you yourself been called degrading names? Have you no face, no sense of shame, no honor? How can you possibly think of staving in America to serve it?"

  But as much as Robert felt an obligation to China, he also felt an obligation to America:

  Somehow, however, I feel there is another side to the picture. I owe much pride and gratitude to America for the principles of liberty and equality which it upholds, for the protection its government has given me, and for its schools and institutions in which I have participated. Without them, I certainly would not be what I am now. . . . I am certainly as much indebted to America as I am to China. If this is true, then I should serve both equally; but is this possible if I choose a future that lies here in America?

  After considering that employment opportunities were scarce in both China and the United States and that he, as a Chinese American, would have difficulties adjusting to life in China, Robert concluded that he could do his part just as well in America by promoting goodwill and understanding between the Chinese and American peoples and by contributing financial support to enterprises in China. He could, he believed, have it both ways.

  With the conclusions, then, that I owe America as much allegiance as I do China; that it is possible to serve China while living in America; that remunerative employment, though scarce, is not impossible for me to ob
tain in either China or America; and that I would avoid the unhappiness and social estrangement due to conflicting cultures by staying in America: I think no one could justly accuse me of being unwise if I chose a course of life whose future lies here in America.iis

  Others, like Kaye Hong, a student at the University of Washington who won second place in the essay contest, took a different line. Their future lay in China because China needed their help and because employment opportunities were better there than in America. He wrote: My patriotism is of a different hue and texture. It was built on the mound of shame. The ridicule heaped upon the Chinese race has long fermented within my soul. I have concluded that we, the younger generation, have nothing to be proud of except the time-worn accomplishments of our ancient ancestors, that we have been living in the shadow of glories, hoping that these arts and literature of the past will justify our present. Sad but true, they do not. To live under such illusions is to lead the life of a parasite.

  In his view, it would be more meaningful for Chinese Americans to do their part in building a new nation in China. Thus, "it is for me- `Go Further West, Young Man'. Yes, across the Pacific and to China."' 19

  In response, Jane Kwong Lee wrote that both Robert Dunn and Kaye Hong had "half-cooked ideas about China" as a result of the older generation's failure to educate them properly. As long as this continued, she predicted, Robert's opinions would continue to represent the majority view, and only a small percentage of Chinese Americans would go to China in search of a future. Although she titled her essay, "The Future of Second Generation Chinese Lies in China and America," she advocated that "since China is weak and not a comfortable place to live, all Chinese, including American-born Chinese, should try to make her strong and rich."120 A year later she amended this view, saying that it was important for college graduates seeking employment in China to know the Chinese written language and customs.121