by mike Evans
THE FINAL MOVE BEYOND IRAQ
Mike Evans
THE FINAL MOVE BEYOND IRAQ
MIKE EVANS
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THE FINAL MOVE BEYOND IRAQ by Mike Evans
Published by FrontLine
A Strang Company
600 Rinehart Road
Lake Mary, Florida 32746 www.frontlineissues.com
This book or parts thereof may not be reproduced in any form, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means—electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording, or otherwise—without prior written permission of the publisher, except as provided by United States of America copyright law.
Unless otherwise noted, all Scripture quotations are from the Holy Bible, New International Version. Copyright © 1973, 1978, 1984, International Bible Society. Used by permission.
Scripture quotations marked KJV are from the King James Version of the Bible.
Scripture quotations marked NASU are from the New American Standard Bible Updated
Edition, Copyright © 1960, 1962, 1963, 1968, 1971, 1972, 1973, 1975, 1977, 1995 by
The Lockman Foundation. Used by permission. (www.Lockman.org)
This book does not necessarily represent the views of any single person interviewed in its entirety.
Copyright © 2007 by Mike Evans
All rights reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
Evans, Mike, 1947–
The final move beyond Iraq / Mike Evans. -- 1st ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Christianity and international affairs. 2. United States--Foreign relations--Iraq. 3. United States--Foreign relations--Middle East. 4. United States--Foreign relations--Israel. 5. End of the world. I. Title.
BR516.E93 2007
327.73056--dc22
2007005073
International Standard Book Number: 978-1-59979-188-3
Dedication
This book is dedicated to the brave men and women who have paid the price in Iraq, and to their families, whose pride in America’s new generation of heroes knows no bounds. More than 22,401 have been wounded and more than 3,000 have been killed while fighting the global jihadists in Iraq to secure our freedom from terror at home.
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Stephen Strang, owner of Strang Communications, for his belief in this project; my publisher at Strang Communications, Tessie DeVore; and editor, Debbie Marrie. I am deeply appreciative for your immeasurable assistance in producing a quality manuscript.
To my dear friend Rick Killian, I can only say thank you for the hours invested in helping with this project. I wish to thank Arlen Young, whose assistance with this book was incalculable, and my executive administrator, Lanelle Young, for her invaluable assistance.
A very special thank you to Rick, Debby, and Clara Massie, who believed in this project from its inception, and especially to Rick, who traveled into battle with me in Israel during the Lebanon conflict so this story could be told. My sincere gratitude to Lee Roy and Tandy Mitchell, who hosted the first national event in support of the television special in their home.
My deepest gratitude to Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert; former Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu; lieutenant general and former chief of staff to the Israeli Defense Forces, Moshe Ya’alon; advisor to the ministry of defense for Iranian affairs for the State of Israel, Uri Lubrani; ambassador Daniel Ayalon; former Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon; ambassador for the State of Israel, Dore Gold; and to those who agreed to be interviewed, including Mr. James Woolsey, former CIA director; Gen. Hugh Shelton, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; Gen. Yossi Peled, chief of the Northern Command of Israel; Gen. Dani Yatom, former director of Mossad, the Israeli intelligence service; Gen. Yaakov Amidror, former chief of Israeli Defense Forces intelligence; Lt. Gen. Tom McInerny, retired, U.S. Air Force; Capt. Chuck Nash, retired, U.S. Navy; Honorable Irwin Cotler, MP and former attorney general of Canada; professor Alan Dershowitz, Harvard Law School; Mort Zuckerman, owner and editor in chief of U.S. News & World Report; Tom Newman, executive director of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs; Isaac Herzog, minister of tourism for the State of Israel; Walid Shoebat; and J. R. Martinez, a U.S. soldier wounded in Iraq.
I am deeply grateful to the brave individuals who agreed to be interviewed in Iraq: Karim Sinjari, interior minister of the Kurdistan regional government; Adnan Mufti, speaker of the Kurdistan regional government parliament; Abdulla Ali Muhammad, head of Asiage, Kurdistan’s “FBI”; Abdul Khaleed; Sheikh Ja’affra; Jafar Mustafa Ali, minister of state for Peshmerga affairs; Mizgeen Zabari, who fought with the U.S. Special Forces in Iraq; Douglas Layton; William Garaway; Col. Harry Schutte; Kosrat Resul, vice president of the Kurdish region; and Abdulbari al Zebari, member of the Iraqi Congress.
I also wish to thank Gen. Robert Huyser, commander in chief of U.S. Military Airlift Command; Maj. Gen. James E. Freeze, assistant deputy director for plans and policy, National Security; Gen. Jerry Curry, Department of Defense in the Pentagon; Gen. George Keegan, retired, chief of Air Force intelligence (1972–1977); Lt. Gen. Richard F. Schaeffer, retired, deputy chairman of NATO Military Committee (January 1974–June 1975); and countless others.
Finally, a book project of this magnitude demands a grueling work schedule. Most of all, I’m indebted to my beloved wife, Carolyn. Without her patience, compassion, encouragement, and sacrifice, there would be no possible way I could have achieved this.
Table of Contents
Introduction
PART ONE: THIS PRESENT STRUGGLE
Chapter One A Prophetic Storm Gathers
Chapter Two Recalibrating America’s Moral Compass
Chapter Three What the Future Holds
Chapter Four The Centers of Gravity
Chapter Five The Real Battle for Iraq Begins
Chapter Six The World War Against Terrorism
PART TWO: THE FINAL SOLUTION WHILE THE WORLD SLEEPS
Chapter Seven Fumbling Our Ally, Iran
Chapter Eight The Rise of Islamofascism
Chapter Nine The Nuclear Bomb of Islam
Chapter Ten The Battle for the Soul of America
Epilogue
Appendix A
Iranian President Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Letter to U.S. President George W. Bush
Appendix B
Iranian President Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s Letter to the American People
Appendix C
Excerpts From an Interview With Benjamin Netanyahu
Appendix D
Excerpts From an Interview With James Woolsey
Appendix E
Excerpts From an Interview With Retired Army General Hugh Shelton
Appendix F
Excerpts From an Interview With Retired U.S. Navy Captain Charles Nash
Appendix G
Excerpts From an Interview With Retired Israel Defense Forces Lieutenant General Moshe Ya’alon
Appendix H
Excerpts From an Interview With Alan Dershowitz
Appendix I
Excerpts From an Interview With Mort Zuckerman
Appendix J
A 21-Day Stud
y of Iran (Persia), Iraq (Babylon), and Israel in Biblical Prophecy
Notes
About the Author
Introduction
Six days before the beginning of Operation Iraqi Freedom, I met with Mayor Rudolph Giuliani. He and I had been asked by the office of the mayor of Jerusalem to tape a segment to honor Ehud Olmert, who was leaving that post. As Mayor Giuliani and I talked, I asked him why he rejected the $10 million donation for disaster relief from Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal.
He noted that when the prince had commented that the United States “should reexamine its policies in the Middle East and adopt a more balanced stand toward the Palestinian cause,” thus suggesting that U.S. policies in the Middle East contributed to the September 11 attacks, Giuliani felt it would be morally irresponsible to accept the money.
He reiterated what he had commented to the media at the time: “I entirely reject [his] statement…. There is no moral equivalent for this act. There is no justification for it. The people who did it lost any right to ask for justification for it when they slaughtered…innocent people.”1
I thought again about the words of Isser Harel, a good friend and founder of Mossad, Israel’s intelligence agency. On September 23, 1980, I had dinner at Harel’s home with Dr. Reuben Hecht, the senior advisor of Menachem Begin, the Israeli prime minister at that time. I asked Isser three questions, and I shall never forget his answers because all three came to pass just as he said they would.
“Who do you think will win the presidential election, Jimmy Carter or Ronald Reagan?”
“I know Carter is ahead in the polls, but the word on the street is Iran will have something to say about that. They are planning on releasing the hostages during the inauguration of Ronald Reagan to keep Carter from being reelected.”
“Will President Sadat succeed with Jimmy Carter in pushing for human rights and democracy in Egypt?”
“We saved his life twice from radical Islamic terrorists. He will not always be there. I fear he will be killed.”
“Will terrorism ever come to America?”
“America is developing a tolerance for terrorism. The United States has the power to fight terrorism, but not the will; the terrorists have the will, but not the power. But all of that could change in time. Oil buys more than tents. You in the West kill a fly and rejoice. In the Middle East, we kill one, and one hundred flies come to the funeral. Yes, I fear it will come in time.”
“Where will it come to?” I asked him.
He thought for a moment. “New York is the symbol of your freedom and capitalism. It’s likely they will strike there first at your tallest building, because it’s your greatest fertility [phallic] symbol, and it is a symbol of your power.”
As Giuliani and I talked, I kept thinking of statements I was hearing about Israel. I became convinced that Israel would once again be forced to pay the appeasement bill for the upcoming war, as it had during the first Gulf War. Once again they would be pressured into accepting a “land for peace” plan, just as they had at the Madrid Peace Conference in 1991. I remember it well since I had covered it at the Royal Palace of Madrid and was the first journalist to confront the then secretary of state James Baker during the event.
Since 2003, Tony Blair, prime minister of the United Kingdom, America’s strongest ally, has pressured President Bush to push the “Road Map” plan that called upon Israel to relinquish Judea, Samaria, Gaza, and the West Bank, as well as East Jerusalem.
I write this book with a sense of urgency because “those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” This is precisely what is happening, once again, to appease racial and religious bigotry against the “Crusaders” and “Zionists”—the Christians and the Jews—but this time the stakes are much higher.
Iraq, Lebanon, and the Palestinian Authority (PA) are on the brink of exploding into a Shiite/Sunni Islamic revolution—a revolution that is spreading like an Ebola virus throughout the Middle East, a revolution that also has America in its crosshairs and hopes to spread to our shores. A volcano of terror is at the brink of exploding in Iraq. When it does, its destructive powers will spill over into Jordan and Israel if it is not stopped. This crisis is the greatest threat to the United States since the Civil War.
On December 6, 2006, James Baker and Lee Hamilton released the Iraq Study Group Report on what their bipartisan commission believes should be done in Iraq. In it they recommended that
the Golan Heights be returned to Syria (a terrorist state);
Judea and Samaria be given to a terrorist-led government (the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority);
Iran and Syria be invited to the negotiating table as a “support group” with no preconditions and with UN resolutions against those two nations forgotten;
right-of-return into Israel be given to Palestinians (terrorists) in Lebanon;
Israel be required to return to pre-1967 borders (which would mean the dividing of Jerusalem);
the UN be allowed to determine the destiny of Iran’s nuclear program (which would, in my opinion, guarantee Iran with the bomb in a matter of a few years);
amnesty be granted to terrorists (insurgents) who slaughtered American soldiers in Iraq.
On January 10, 2007, President George W. Bush addressed the nation concerning the Iraq crisis. He stated, “We benefited from the thoughtful recommendations of the Iraq Study Group.”2 He also said that he was immediately sending Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to the Middle East.
This call to appeasement—just like Chamberlain’s in the face of Nazi aggression in 1938—couldn’t be clearer. My prayer in writing this book is that we will wake up before we find a sea of glassy-eyed human corpses (suicide bombers) strapped with dynamite and roaming our streets as they have done in Israel. I fear there will be another attack on American soil before the 2008 elections. Radical Islamic terrorists only step back when they fear us.
LOOKING BACK
When I sat down to write Beyond Iraq: The Next Move, it was in the midst of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003, and our troops were still pushing toward Baghdad. I was deeply concerned about the outcome of the war, and I remember writing:
The war in Iraq would not begin until it had ended. The greatest threats to American troops would come after the war for Baghdad had been won.
Iraq’s future will be more mess than messianic.
There will be an army of human corpses spread like a plague across Iraq in an attempt to weaken the resolve of the American people to win this war.
Deposing Saddam Hussein would not end terrorism. Instead, Iraq would become the new Ground Zero. Terrorism in the Bible land would not end with the fall of Baghdad but rise to a new level.
Syria and Iran would play the diplomatic card until the heat was off and then clandestinely go back to supporting terrorism.
Every possible attempt would be made to start a civil war in Iraq. Islamic radicals would attempt to turn Iraq into another Lebanon.
The war could not be partially won; the victor would be determined by who wins the last battle. We must see this war through to the end, or else the next time we have to fight terrorism it will be much worse.
Can we lose the war on terrorism? We can, indeed, if we lose the battle for Iraq.
In October 2006, American troops in Iraq lived through their bloodiest month in over a year and a half—oddly coming right on the eve of our midterm elections where the war was a deciding factor for many voters. Those elections saw the Democrats decisively take over the House and capture a narrow majority in the Senate. The media called the election a mandate for the United States to get its troops out of Iraq.
Unfortunately, the talk was not about getting our troops out of Iraq after we have won, but about the quickest route to pulling them out without completely losing face in a kiss-and-run. Too many are willing to concede Iraq as another Vietnam because they can’t stomach the cost of actually winning this fight. What they don’t realize, however, is that if we don’t win this fight
now, the cost of the next one will be far greater.
An unrestrained Islamic revolution is spreading from Iran through Iraq, Lebanon, and the Palestinian territory as the world sleeps. The goal is to take over the Middle East and then the entire world. Many of us don’t understand the true nature of what it will take to defeat this web of terror. We don’t seem to understand that Iraq is not a war in itself, but only one of the first battles in the overall war on terrorism. Too many don’t recognize the next World War has already started, and we are right in the middle of it. America needs to have the same resolve in dismantling the terrorists’ worldwide network that we did in fighting the Axis powers.
Stabilizing Iraq is not a “Pottery Barn rule” about fixing what we have broken; it is only one of our first solid steps for victory in the war against the Islamofascists—a group even more dangerous than the Nazi Fascists of Germany of the 1930s and World War II. Too few Americans today realize that the “insurgents” we fight in the streets of Iraq are not disgruntled Iraqis caught in a cycle of incomprehensible ethnic intolerance, but terrorists sponsored by oil-rich countries like Iran—the current leader, financier, and exporter of world Islamofascism—sent to sow civil war into the fledgling republic of Iraq with the same goals the Taliban had in fighting the Soviets in Afghanistan. They really believed that they defeated the Russians in Afghanistan and that it caused the collapse of the entire Soviet Union. They think that the same thing will happen if they defeat the United States in Iraq.