See also: Legendary Kings: Faranak; Fereydun; Jamshid; Kaveh
Further Reading
Avery, Peter. The Spirit of Iran: A History of Achievement from Adversity. Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 2007.
Bundahishn. Edited by Mehrdad Bahar. Tehran: Tus Publications, 1991.
Pahlavi Texts, Part I: Bundahishn. Translated by E. W. West. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1965.
Yarshater, Ehsan. “Iranian National History.” In The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 3(I), edited by Ehsan Yarshater, 359–480. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
The Zend-Avesta, Part II: The Sirozahs, Yashts, and Nyayish. Translated by James Darmesteter. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1965.
Zal
Zal (pronounced as Zāl) or Dastan (pronounced as Dastān) is one of the greatest legendary heroes in the mythological history of Greater Iran. In Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, Zal appears as the father of Rostam, the greatest legendary warrior of ancient Iran. Zal himself is the son of Sam (pronounced as Sām) and the grandson of Nariman (pronounced as Narimān), both legendary heroes in Iranian mythology. Because Dastan is born with snowy white hair, he is called Zal, which is the word for “albino” in Persian. Sam, who blames the evil spirit, or Ahriman, for the “curious” and “unusual” appearance of his son, curses his fate and decides to abandon the infant Zal in the Alborz Mountains of northern Iran. The child cries out in his loneliness, hunger, and desperation until he is observed by the wise and powerful bird Simorgh, who is hunting for food to feed her young. Simorgh carries the infant to her nest. Having rescued the child, Simorgh adopts Zal as her own son, nursing, feeding, and raising him in her nest. The abandoned infant grows up to become a strong and handsome man. Meanwhile, Sam, a vassal of the king of Iran, Manuchehr, becomes the ruler of Sistan in present-day eastern Iran. One night Sam has a dream that awakens him to the realization that he should search for his abandoned son. The aging king regrets his decision to forsake his son and embarks on a journey to recover him. In the search for his lost son, Sam travels to the mountains of northern Iran. After pleading with God to return his son safely to him, Sam finally discovers Zal. At first the young man refuses to abandon his adopted mother, Simorgh, and return to his father, but after the bird promises him a brilliant future and hands him samples of her feathers, Zal descends from the mountain and joins his father. Simorgh assures Zal that in times of need, despair, and peril he should throw one of the feathers into a fire, and the bird will appear at once to guide and assist him. These individual feathers from Simorgh would play an important role in the life of Zal and his family, particularly in the heroic feats of his son, Rostam.
Upon his arrival at the court of Sam, Zal is appointed heir to the throne. In the absence of his father, who has to travel, Zal manages the affairs of the kingdom and emerges as the de facto ruler of his vast domain. As a king, he rules with compassion, wisdom, justice, and righteousness. He also becomes a highly educated and learned man in various fields of knowledge. Soon the young and handsome Zal falls in love with a beautiful princess, Rudabeh, the daughter of Mehrab, the king of Kabulestan, who traces his lineage to the serpent-shouldered king Zahhak. Arranging a meeting with his love Rudabeh, who cannot leave the palace without permission from her father, proves to be a difficult task. Worse, Zal does not trust Rudabeh’s father, who has a reputation for cruelty and harshness. Using a hunting trip as a pretext, Zal and his companions set up a camp and pitch their tents across the river from Kabul. Rudabeh and her ladies-in-waiting also resort to a ruse and, under the pretext of enjoying their day on the riverbank, convince the king of Kabul to allow them to leave the palace. While the princess and her attendants are relaxing and enjoying their time on the riverbank, Zal discharges an arrow and kills a bird, which lands conveniently near the camp of the royal party. This allows Zal to send his own attendants to fetch the bird and use the occasion as an opportunity to initiate a conversation with the royal party from Kabul. The two groups meet and, having established a cordial rapport, decide to throw a party packed with eating, singing, and dancing. Zal uses the new relationship between the two camps to send special gifts to Rudabeh and request a meeting with the princess.
When Zal and Rudabeh finally unite, they immediately fall in love. Their decision to get married, however, is opposed by their parents and King Manuchehr, who makes excuses and creates obstacles to discourage the lovers and derail their plan. The love of the young couple and their persistence eventually prevail, however, and the king and their parents agree to the marriage. A magnificent wedding ceremony is organized in Kabul to celebrate the union of Zal and Rudabeh. Sometime after the wedding, Rudabeh becomes pregnant. The enormous size of the unborn child, however, threatens the life and well-being of his mother. Fearing the loss of his wife and child, Zal throws one of the feathers Simorgh had handed him into the fire. The wise bird immediately appears and, upon examining the condition of Rudabeh, orders Zal to move one of the feathers as a knife across Rudabeh’s abdomen, thereby applying a Caesarean section procedure. In this manner Rostam, the greatest legendary hero of Greater Iran, is born. Many years later, Simorgh would resurface to assist Rostam in his confrontation against Esfandiyar, the crown prince of Goshtasp, a king of the Kayanian dynasty, and the first monarch to adopt Zoroastrianism as his religion.
Illustration from Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh [Book of Kings] depicts the wedding of the legendary hero Zal to Rudabeh, the daughter of Mehrab, the king of Kabul. Zal and Rudabeh had two sons, Rostam and Zavareh. In Shahnameh, Rostam emerges as Greater Iran’s most accomplished hero. (Los Angeles County Museum of Art)
Zal continues with his illustrious career, replacing his father Sam as the ruler of Zabol while at the same time serving the kings of Greater Iran as an army commander. Toward the end of his long life, Zal confronts several tragedies. First, he has to witness the battle between his son Rostam and Esfandiyar, which results in the death of the Kayanian crown prince. Zal also witnesses the death of his two sons, Rostam and Zavareh, in a conspiracy hatched by the king of Kabul.
Although several theories exist regarding the historical origins of the legend of Zal and Rudabeh, there is a general consensus among scholars of ancient Iran that the story can be traced back to the northern Iranian Saka (Scythian) people who settled in the eastern Iranian province of Sistan (Sakastan) during the reign of the Arsacid (Parthian) dynasty (247/238 BCE–224 CE).
See also: Legendary Kings: Esfandiyar; Faramarz; Rostam
Further Reading
Ferdowsi. Shahnameh. Edited by Djalal Khaleghi-Motlagh. New York: Mazda Publishers, 1997.
Khaleghi-Motlagh, Djalal. “Farāmarz.” Encyclopaedia Iranica, 1999, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/faramarz.
Shahbazi, A. Shapur, and Simone Cristoforetti. “Zāl.” Encyclopaedia Iranica, 2009, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/zal.
Yarshater, Ehsan. “Iranian National History.” In The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 3(I), edited by Ehsan Yarshater, 359–480. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
PEOPLES, EMPIRES, ADMINISTRATIONS, AND MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS
OVERVIEW ESSAY
This chapter provides the reader with entries on the political, administrative, and military structure and practices of the empires that ruled Greater Iran in the pre-Islamic era, namely the Medes, the Achaemenids, the Seleucids, the Arsacids (Parthians), and the Sasanians. It also includes entries on prominent military commanders and leaders of the time, including the Sogdian general Spitaman; the Bactrian satrap Bessus, who murdered King Darius III in an attempt to ascend the Achaemenid throne; and Ariobarzanes, the illustrious Persian general who fought Alexander the Great and his army as they marched toward the Persian capital at Persepolis.
Much of what is known to us regarding the organization and administration of the pre-Islamic Iranian empires comes from contemporary writings of the time. Two entries in this chapter describe such prominent and informative works as Shahrestanha-ye Eranshahr [Provincial Capitals of Iran],
a book of geography written in Middle Persian, the language of the pre-Islamic Sasanian dynasty (r. 224–651 CE), and Parthian Stations, which was composed in Greek. Shahrestanha-ye Eranshahr lists and describes the important cities of Greater Iran during the reign of the Sasanian dynasty. The book relies on a mixture of historical, religious, and legendary sources, such as traditional stories and myths from ancient Iran and various accounts from the Zoroastrian scripture, the Avesta. The date of initial composition for Shahrestanha-ye Eranshahr is unknown, but the book was clearly revised several times during Sasanian times and into the Islamic era.
Parthian Stations, the other work discussed in this chapter, offers an account of the main overland trade route from the Levant to India in the first century BCE. Within its descriptions of the towns and settlements situated along the way, we can glimpse something of the organizational and administrative structure of the far-flung Arsacid (Parthian) Empire, which stretched from the Euphrates River in present-day southern Turkey to Arachosia in modern-day southern Afghanistan.
Efficient transportation systems, whether by land or sea, were one of the most prominent features of the administration and organization of Iran’s pre-Islamic empires. Long before the author of Parthian Stations had set foot on the overland routes that crossed Parthian territory, the Achaemenid king Darius I had established the Royal Road, one of the most efficient communication links to be found in the ancient world. Traversing some 1,678 miles (2,700 kilometers), the Royal Road connected the Achaemenid winter capital of Susa in southwestern Iran to the city of Sardis in western Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). Royal messengers could travel the route in seven days, ferrying news and information from various provinces of the empire to the capital at Susa. At each of the 111 post-stations found along the Royal Road, fresh horses, supplies, and even overnight lodging awaited the royal courtiers.
The empires of ancient Iran developed complex political formations in order to govern the diverse lands and peoples under their rule. Many communities within each empire’s boundaries already possessed their own unique social organization along with a unique linguistic, ethnic, or religious identity. The task of each succeeding empire in ancient Iran was to govern such vast territories successfully, quelling rebellions where they arose while maintaining prosperous communities and provinces that could add to the empire’s wealth and power. Each empire learned from the mistakes and successes of its predecessors.
Beginning with the earliest, our knowledge of the administrative structure of the Median Empire is scanty, but the Medes most probably preserved much of the Assyrian administrative system that had previously governed them. Local kings and chiefs within the empire maintained their privileged status and position as autonomous rulers as long as they paid an annual tribute to the Median king and provided him with troops during his campaigns.
When the Median Empire was overthrown by Cyrus II (r. 558–530 BCE) in 550 BCE, the new Persian Achaemenid dynasty likewise adopted the administrative practices of its former Median overlords. Once the Achaemenids under Cyrus had expanded their empire to encompass Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Central Asia—territories containing diverse geographical regions and a multitude of different ethnic, linguistic, and religious communities—a new and more elaborate administrative structure was developed.
Beginning with Cyrus II and continuing during the long reign of Darius I (r. 522–486 BCE), the Persian Achaemenids divided their empire into 20 provinces, or satrapies. For each, the Persian king would appoint a governor, or satrap. The satrap was responsible for collecting taxes and maintaining security in the area he governed. Each satrap had his own army and could use it to defend the province he ruled. Satraps also provided troops to the king’s cavalry and infantry forces during times of conflict. They were, in effect, tax collectors, law enforcement officials, and army recruiters as well as direct representatives of the Persian king.
After Alexander the Macedon entered Persian territory and defeated Darius III (336–330 BCE), the last king of the Achaemenid dynasty, a much more fragmented governance and administration took hold in ancient Persia. The Seleucids who succeeded Alexander focused their attentions on the western regions of their empire, transferring their capital city from Seleucia-on-Tigris to a new capital, Antioch, in northern Syria (present-day southern Turkey). The long distance between the new capital and the faraway eastern provinces of the empire in Greater Iran allowed the governors of these distant regions to revolt and establish their own independent kingdoms. In addition, various nomadic groups in Central Asia took this opportunity to invade the eastern provinces of the Seleucid Empire, dislodge the Seleucid-appointed governors, and establish their own dynasties. The founder of the Arsacid (Parthian) dynasty, Arshak or Arsaces, was one of these nomadic chiefs who created his own kingdom after invading northeastern Iran. The vast empire that his successors would eventually create would take its name from his original base in Parthia.
As with the Median Empire, what we know of the administrative structure of the Parthian state under the Arsacid dynasty (r. 247/238 BCE–224 CE) remains insufficient and sparse. The Arsacids inherited the administrative practices of the Achaemenids and the Seleucids who preceded them as well as the traditions of governance that they brought with them from Central Asia. Although they maintained a less centralized government, the Arsacids preserved the system of satrapies established under the Achaemenids. In addition, great and ancient feudal families, in effect Parthian nobility, ruled virtually as autonomous kings within their own provinces. Such a system was ripe for rebellions, which erupted frequently in these provinces. The succession process used by Parthian kings was unusual and frequently ignited inner dynastic rivalries and even outright wars. In theory, any male member of the Arsacid royal family could assume the reins of power. In practice, the Arsacid monarch was usually succeeded by his oldest son, but there were instances when a brother succeeded a deceased monarch. The process was further complicated by the existence of two councils, which played an important role in the selection of the new king. In extraordinary circumstances, the Parthian system allowed for a queen to rule as regent and assume power in the name of her underage son.
The Sasanian dynasty, which overthrew the Parthian state in 224 CE, did away with the decentralized structure used by the Arsacids. In its place, the Sasanians established an absolutist monarchy and a highly centralized political and administrative structure. Local feudal kings who refused to obey the authority of the Sasanian king of kings were replaced by members of the Sasanian royal family. However, the powerful landowning families who enjoyed such high status under Parthian rule retained their vast landholdings and special privileges. The Sasanians also established Zoroastrianism as the state religion of their empire, investing the Zoroastrian clergy with enormous power and influence.
Achaemenid Army
The Achaemenid army was the backbone of the Achaemenid state. The army served as the principal instrument for maintaining order in the empire. As the Achaemenid state grew from a small kingdom in southern Iran to the largest empire the world had ever seen, the Persian army went through a major transformation. The armies of Cyrus II the Great, the founder of the state, consisted of Persian tribal units, which had initially supported his rebellion against the Medes. As the small Persian state expanded and converted itself into an empire, the Achaemenid monarchs developed a professional army. As displayed by the magnificent wall carvings of Persepolis in southern Iran, the core units of the standing army were recruited from the Persians and the Medes. The “royal cavalry guard and the ‘Immortals’ composed the core of this standing army” (Frye: 104). According to Herodotus, the Immortals corps “was known as the Immortals, because it was invariably kept up to strength; if a man was killed or fell sick, the vacancy he left was at once filled, so that its strength was never more nor less than 10,000” (Herodotus: 7.83). The pool for recruiting the Achaemenid army was vast and deep, as ancient Persians were educated in the art of warfare since childhood. As young boys,
they learned how to ride and draw bows. Sport events and hunting expeditions were organized as the means of military training.
The Achaemenid army reflected the ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity of the Persian Empire. It was a multinational force, which included fighting men from the diverse communities that resided in the empire. Commanders of infantry units were mostly Persians, related to the king either by blood or marriage. The army units were divided into units of tens, hundreds, and thousands (Herodotus: 7.81). Before embarking on a campaign, spies were dispatched to collect information on the ruler and the country that was about to be attacked. Prior to a military campaign, all army units assembled in a gathering place for inspection. The tradition among the Persians was to begin a march after sunrise (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.8). The signal for the march was given by trumpet from the king’s tent. To make the king’s tent visible to all, “a representation of the sun gleamed in a crystal case” above it (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.8). The “order of the line of march was as follows: in front, on silver alters, was carried the fire which the Persians called sacred and eternal” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.9). After the fire alters came the magi singing hymns, “followed by 365 young men in scarlet cloaks, their number equaling the days of the year,” then “the chariot consecrated to Jupiter [Ahura Mazda], drawn by white horses, followed by a horse of extraordinary size, which the Persians called ‘the Sun’s horse’” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.9). Next came various cavalry units, including “the cavalry of twelve nations variously armed”; the Immortals, “10,000 in number”; the “15,000 men called ‘the king’s kinsmen’”; and finally the unit that looked after the king’s wardrobe (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.13–14). All these units “preceded the royal chariot on which rode the king himself, towering above all others” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.15). The king appeared in magnificent attire: “his tunic was purple, interwoven with white at the center, and his gold-embroidered cloak bore a gilded motif of hawks, attacking each other with their beaks” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.17). His “royal head-dress” was “encircled by a blue ribbon flecked with white” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.19). A unit of “10,000 spearman carrying lances” followed “the king’s chariot, and to the right and left he was attended by some 200 of his most noble relatives” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.21). At the end of this column came 30,000 foot soldiers followed by 400 of the king’s horses. The female members of the royal family, including the king’s mother, wives, concubines, children, and their attendants and nurses accompanied the king in his campaigns. They were guarded among others by “a troop of women” (Quintus Curtius Rufus: 3.3.22).
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