Love and Hate in Jamestown

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Love and Hate in Jamestown Page 32

by David A. Price


  Seven or eight canoes: Smith (1624), pp. 178–79.

  “The weaknesse of the company”: Ibid., p. 169.

  Respite over: Ibid., pp. 180–81.

  Seventy colonists, including: Ibid., pp. 190–91. Two hundred . . . men: Ibid., p. 189. There were 130 or so before the second supply arrived, and the second supply added some 70 more. Ibid., p. 181. See also Barbour (1964a), p. 456 n. 1. The two were married: Smith (1624), p. 192.

  “Ifs and ands”: Letter of John Smith to the Treasurer and Virginia Council (1608), reprinted in J.V., vol. 1, p. 241. Made a futile attempt: Smith (1624), pp. 182, 188. Winne and Waldo: Ibid., p. 188. Scrivener: Ibid., p. 182.

  “Strange coronation”: Ibid., p. 181.

  Three men and two boys: Ibid., pp. 182–83. To provide honored guests with a bedmate: Smith (1612), p. 168; Beverly (1705), p. 189; Rountree (1989), p. 91.

  “Eight days”: Smith (1624), p. 183.

  Solemn ceremony, too heavy to carry, Monacans: Ibid., pp. 184–85, 188; letter of Peter Winne (Nov. 26, 1608), reprinted in J.V., vol. 1, pp. 245–46. Three barges: Symonds (1612), p. 237. Pair of shoes: Although not separately listed, this gift is to be inferred from the fact that Powhatan reciprocated by giving the English his “old shoes”—his moccasins—together with his deerskin mantle (the latter in exchange for his new scarlet cloak).

  Twenty good workingmen: Smith (1624), pp. 185–86. On the crafts and backgrounds of the German and Polish tradesmen, see Kelso (2000), vol. 6, pp. 62–66. Archaeologists of the Jamestown Rediscovery project have found glassmaking materials at the site. Ibid., pp. 64–65.

  “Expresly to follow”: Letter of John Smith to the Treasurer and Virginia Council (1608), reprinted in J.V., vol. 1, p. 242.

  “When you send againe”: Ibid., pp. 242–45. For further analysis of the letter, see Hayes (1991b), pp. 142–43.

  8: POCAHONTAS SAVES JOHN SMITH AGAIN

  Another winter, Nansemond village: Symonds (1612), p. 242; Smith (1624), p. 191. Newport had planned: Symonds (1612), p. 235; Smith (1624), p. 182. “Though there be fish in the sea”: Letter of John Smith to the Treasurer and Virginia Council (1608), reprinted in J.V., vol. 1, p. 243.

  Radical plan, cautioned Smith: Symonds (1612), pp. 242–44; Smith (1624), pp. 191–93. (Which were new to Virginia): Henry Spelman, Relation of Virginia (1609), reprinted in Narratives, p. 487. In calling for swords and guns: For this insight I am indebted to Rountree (1990), p. 49. Friendly relations: Smith (1608), p. 37. To serve as a spy: Symonds (1612), pp. 246–47; Smith (1624), p. 195. Warraskoyack chief, Tackonekintaco: Strachey (1612), p. 58.

  “We were never more merry,” “though I had many courses”: Smith (1624), p. 194. This chapter of the Generall Historie is credited to William Fettiplace, Jeffrey Abbott, and Anas Todkill, who were part of the voyage, and Richard Wiffin, who apparently was not. Werowocomoco: Ibid., pp. 194–95.

  “Some doubt,” “friendly care”: Symonds (1612), pp. 246–48; Smith (1624), pp. 195–97. “Waste ground”: Percy, Observations Gathered Out of a Discourse (1608?), reprinted in J.V., vol. 1, p. 141.

  Passing the time, offered to guard: Symonds (1612), pp. 249–50; Smith (1624), pp. 197–98. John Russell: Symonds (1612), p. 245; Smith (1624), p. 194.

  A visitor appeared: Symonds (1612), p. 274; Smith (1624), pp. 198–99, 259. The account in the Proceedings is by Richard Pots and William Fettiplace. Fettiplace was part of the expedition, as was his brother, Michael.

  Came to fruition, casting their lot: Symonds (1612), pp. 250–51; Smith (1624), pp. 199–200. Matchlock guns: Peterson (1956), pp. 14–15. On the archaeological excavation of gun parts at Jamestown, see Kelso (1998), vol. 4, pp. 13–14, 49–51.

  Oration: Smith (1612), p. 160; Symonds (1612), pp. 251–52; Smith (1624), pp. 200–201.

  Challenged Opechancanough, “if I be the marke”: Symonds (1612), p. 253; Smith (1624), p. 202.

  “Men may thinke it strange”: Symonds (1612), p. 256; Smith (1624), p. 205.

  “Pamaunkees king we saw thee captive make”: The poem is a dedicatory verse published in the Generall Historie, signed by Michael and William Fettiplace and Richard Wiffin, “gentlemen, and souldiers under Captaine Smith’s command.” Smith (1624), p. 229. As noted, the Fettiplace brothers were members of the expedition. Wiffin linked up with it just after the incident.

  “I speake not”: Symonds (1612), p. 259; Smith (1624), p. 208. This part of the Proceedings and the Generall Historie was apparently written by Smith.

  New operating principle, casks were infested: Symonds (1612), pp. 263–64, 265; Smith (1624), p. 212–13, 214; Earle (1979), pp. 106–7. Dispersing into small groups: Smith (1612), p. 162. Smith reduced the risks somewhat: See Rountree (1989), p. 45.

  Ambitious plans: Craven (1957), pp. 17–19; Rowse (1959), pp. 70–71. Spreading the word from their pulpits: Letter of Don Pedro de Zúñiga (April 12, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, p. 259. “They have collected in 20 days”: Letter of Don Pedro de Zúñiga (Mar. 15, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, p. 256. Stock certificates: Billings (1975), pp. 27–28.

  “There is no intendment”: Gray (1609), pp. C 3, C 4. Gray further argued that if the native priests and rulers resisted the English presence, a war of liberation would be necessary to bring civilization and English liberty to the common people. Such a war, he argued, was within the prerogative of a Christian king—so long as the object was indeed liberation, not “covetousness and crueltie.” Ibid., p. D.

  Another surviving promotional tract from 1609 is Johnson, Nova Britannia (1609), reprinted in N.A.W., pp. 234–48.

  Sir Thomas Gates: Narratives, p. 46; DNB; Dictionary of American Biography.

  Test a new, more direct route: Council of Virginia, A True and Sincere Declaration(1609), reprinted in Narratives, p. 361. Some generalities: Smith (1624), p. 217. Argall found the colonists: Letter of Gabriel Archer (Aug. 31, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, pp. 281–82. Spanish ship: Report of Francisco Fernández de Écija (1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, pp. 293, 307–11. Venetian ambassador: J.V., vol. 2, p. 252.

  Resupply: Letter of Gabriel Archer (Aug. 31, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, pp. 279–81. Would wish the ships had been Spanish attackers: Smith (1624), p. 219 (signed by Richard Pots, William Tankard, and William Fettiplace). “Gave not any due respect”: Archer, op. cit., p. 282.

  Operating under the first charter: Smith (1624), p. 230. Sailors: Letter of Gabriel Archer (Aug. 31, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, p. 282. The company’s orders: Instructions to Sir Thomas Gates knight Governor of Virginia (1609), reprinted in Va. Co. Recs., vol. 3, pp. 13–14 (council), 18–19 (Smith’s command, natives).

  Sea Venture: Letter of John Ratcliffe (Oct. 4, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, p. 283. John Martin: Smith (1624), pp. 220–21. “Unruly gallants”: Ibid., p. 220. Francis West: Letter of Gabriel Archer (Aug. 31, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, p. 282. “ill chance”: Smith (1624), p. 218.

  9: THE STARVING TIME

  They would be pardoned: Smith (1624), p. 217. Orapakes: Smith (1612), pp. 147, 173. They told Powhatan: Smith (1624), p. 226 (signed by Richard Pots, William Tankard, and William Fettiplace). At least one German, Samuel by name, held back from accepting the offer of a pardon, preferring to wait and see whether conditions at the colony improved (ibid.). For all their mercenary inclinations, the German glassmakers were considered good workers. So were the Polish tradesmen (ibid., p. 225).

  A knotty question, problematic from the outset: Smith (1624), pp. 220–21; Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 501–502; Rountree (1990), p. 52. Company’s desire to build up new outposts: Instructions to Sir Thomas Gates knight Governor of Virginia (1609), reprinted in Va. Co. Recs., vol. 3, pp. 15–17. Ten weeks’ worth of rations: Symonds (1612), p. 273 (by Richard Pots and William Fettiplace).

  When Smith arrived, new arrivals: Smith (1624), pp. 221–23; Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 502. Spelman would stay: Spelman, A Relationof Virgi
nia (1609), reprinted in Narratives, p. 482; Smith (1986), vol. 1, p. xlix. Spelman misunderstood and thought he had been “sold” to Parahunt.

  Seventy-four-mile trip: J.V., vol. 2, p. 465. “Tore the flesh”: Smith (1624), p. 223. The mishap was also recorded by George Percy. Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 502.

  No doctor, secured a place: Smith (1624), pp. 223–24.

  Denunciations: Symonds (1612), pp. 273–74; Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 502. Line of succession: Symonds (1612), p. 247; Smith (1612), p. 174; Rountree (1989), p. 93. That he was dead: Smith (1624), p. 261.

  A letter for Robert Cecil: Letter of John Ratcliffe (Oct. 9, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, pp. 283–84.

  “What shall I say?”: Symonds (1612), p. 273.

  The council consisted: Letter of John Ratcliffe (Oct. 9, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, p. 284. Percy’s background: Shirley (1949), p. 228. “Ambitious, unworthy and vainglorious”: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 502. “A continual and daily table”: Letter of George Percy (Aug. 17, 1611), reprinted in Narratives,p. 559. In this letter, Percy referred to his practice of keeping a dining table for gentlemen during a subsequent period in 1611 when he was governor. It can be assumed he did the same, for as long as he was able, during his presidency in 1609–1610. New wardrobe: Shirley (1949), pp. 237–38.

  “all revolted”: Symonds (1612), p. 275. Martin had deputized: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 503. Pouring molten gold: Benzoni (1565), p. 73.

  Captured alive: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 504; Henry Spelman, Relation of Virginia (1609), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 483–85; Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, p. 441; Smith (1624), p. 232.

  The natives rarely attacked: Ratcliffe’s ship was a pinnace, the same as the 20-ton Discovery. West sailed: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 504–505; Symonds (1612), p. 275.

  “Starving Time”: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 505; Symonds (1612), p. 275; Smith (1624), p. 232; Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 433, 441; Ancient Planters of Virginia, A Brief Declaration(1624), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 895–96; Answer of the General Assembly in Virginia (1624), reprinted in Narratives, p. 913. Among discarded food bones from the period, Jamestown archaeologists have found “poisonous snake vertebrae” as well as “butchered horse bones and bones of the black rat, dogs, and cats.” Kelso (2000), vol. 6, p. 24.

  Hog Isle: Smith (1624), p. 212. Ruffs: Pritchard (1999), p. 21. Probably Henry Collins: Henry Collins is listed as arriving in 1608 with the second supply. See Smith (1624), p. 190. He is the only Collins noted for the period. Because the passenger lists are only around 80 percent complete, however, there is some slight chance that a different Collins was involved. Virginia Company propaganda: Council of Virginia [in London], A True Declaration (1610), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 473–74. William Strachey (who was not present at the time of the incident) accepted the company version. Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, p. 440. To the contrary are the reports by Percy (who was certainly present) and by Smith’s anonymous correspondent in the Generall Historie (who appears to have been).

  Dug their own graves: Answer of the General Assembly in Virginia (1624), reprinted in Narratives, p. 913. Ran away to the natives: Ancient Planters of Virginia, A Brief Declaration (1624), reprinted in Narratives, p. 896. Hugh Pryse: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 507.

  The men there were hale: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives,p. 506. “It were too vile to say”: Symonds (1612), p. 276.

  A rough and ready calculation of the mortality rate is four hundred dead out of five hundred who started, or 80 percent. A more specific calculation of the mortality rate for Jamestown itself should reflect, in the numerator, that there were only sixty survivors at Jamestown proper, not one hundred. Both the numerator and denominator should exclude West and the rest of the absconders in his party (for a total of thirty-seven), as well as those sent to Point Comfort (of whom there were forty). The reported mortality rate at Jamestown was thus (500-60-37-40)/(500-37-40), or 363/423, or 82.5 percent.

  Having foisted this arithmetic on the reader, I must point out that the difference in the rates is not really meaningful. As noted in the text, the underlying figures from the chroniclers may be plus or minus a little bit, so it is safer to say simply that the mortality rate was around 80 percent.

  Earle arrives at a much lower mortality rate of 44 percent by assuming that there were only 220 or 250 living colonists in the fall, not 500. Earle (1979), pp. 108–109. This would seem to be in error. Both George Percy and an unknown contributor to Symond’s Proceedings report a population of 500, which is consistent with the arrival of seven ships from the 1609 resupply. Percy, op. cit., p. 507; Symonds (1612), pp. 275–76.

  10: RESTORATION

  Sea Venture: Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 383–90; Letter of Sir George Somers (June 15, 1610), reprinted in Narratives, p. 445; Letter of Gabriel Archer (Aug. 31, 1609), reprinted in J.V., vol. 2, pp. 279–81. veer north of the West Indies: Waters (1958), p. 259. 300-ton flagship: Strachey, op. cit., p. 415.

  Ruin of French, Dutch, and Spanish ships: Smith (1624), p. 345 (written by Henry May). “As they would shun the Devil himself ”: Jourdain, A Discovery of the Bermudas (1610), reprinted in Wright (1964), p. 108. Somers background: DNB; Crashaw, Epistle Dedicatory [preface] to Alexander Whitaker’s Good News from Virginia(1613), reprinted in Narratives, p. 709. Consistent with the yardstick of the time, Crashaw describes the fifty-five-year-old Somers as having been “in his old age” when he led the expedition. Whom Smith would laud: Smith (1624), pp. 350–51.

  As Somers approached: Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives,pp. 390, 395–400; Rich, News From Virginia (1610), reprinted in Narratives, p. 375; Jourdain, A Discovery of the Bermudas (1610), reprinted in Wright (1964), pp. 107–12. “The richest, healthfullest, and pleasing land”: Ibid., p. 109.

  The wreck of the Sea Venture was found in 1958 between two reefs off St. George’s Island. Beginning in 1978, a team led by Allan J. Wingood excavated the wreck under the auspices of the Bermuda Maritime Museum. Bass (1988), pp. 111–13.

  Henry Ravens: J.V., vol. 1, p. 58 n. 1; Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, p. 418. Shipbuilding plan, marriage, births: Strachey, op. cit., pp. 403, 413–14; Jourdain, A Discovery of the Bermudas (1610), reprinted in Wright (1964), pp. 113–14. Oddly enough, the name of Bermuda Rolfe’s mother is not recorded. Eustacius: Narratives, p. 54.

  A handful of dissenters: Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives,pp. 404–10.

  Had come to fruition: Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 414–16. Lost only six of the company: Ibid., p. 413. Strachey lists five, but omits Henry Paine. “From morning until night,” one bolt: Jourdain, A Discovery of the Bermudas (1610), reprinted in Wright (1964), p. 116. Inspiration for The Tempest: Wright (1964), pp. x, xviii; Sanders (1949), pp. 119, 123–24.

  A ghost town, departure: Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives,pp. 419–20, 423, 426–27; Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 506–508; Jourdain, A Discovery of the Bermudas (1610), reprinted in Wright (1964), p. 115; Copland (1622), p. 11.

  Brewster, De La Warr voyage, arrival of Gates and De La Warr: Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 427, 432; letter of the Governor and Council in Virginia to Va. Co. of London (July 7, 1610), reprinted in Narratives,pp. 458–59; letter of Thomas West, Lord De La Warr to the Earl of Salisbury (1610), reprinted in Narratives, p. 466; Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, p. 508. “To the great grief”: Ancient Planters of Virginia, A Brief Declaration(1624), reprinted in Narratives, p. 897. �
�Then I delivered some few words”: Letter of the Governor and Council in Virginia, op. cit., pp. 458–59. An open pit: Kelso (1999), vol. 5, pp. 7–9.

  The figure of 150 newcomers is West’s. Letter of Thomas West, op. cit., p. 465. Other sources put it at 250 (Ancient Planters of Virginia, op. cit., p. 897) or 300 (Percy, op. cit., p. 508). West, having brought the colonists over, would have known better than anyone.

  “For if God had not sent”: Council of Virginia [in London], A True Declaration (1610), reprinted in Narratives, p. 474.

  Somers surprised everyone: Jourdain, A Discovery of the Bermudas (1610), reprinted in Wright (1964), pp. 115–16. The company had recommended: Instructions to Sir Thomas Gates knight Governor of Virginia (1609), reprinted in Va. Co. Recs., vol. 3, pp. 14 (priests), 18 (chiefs).

  Humphrey Blunt, attack on Kecoughtans, message to Powhatan: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 508–509; Strachey, A True Reportory (1625), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 434–36.

  “To the first I replied”: Percy, A True Relation (1612?), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 508–509; see also Smith (1624), p. 236.

  Even the natives: Smith (1612), p. 175; Smith (1624), p. 119.

  “Nor would I have it conceived”: Letter of the Governor and Council in Virginia to Va. Co. of London (July 7, 1610), reprinted in Narratives, p. 463. See also p. 462 n. 1.

  Fate of Somers: Symonds (1612), p. 277; Smith (1624), pp. 350–51.

  11: THE MARRIAGE

  “Masts, deals, pitch”: Council of Virginia [in London], A True Declaration (1610), reprinted in Narratives, pp. 475–76. “Only the name of God”: Craven (1957), pp. 26–27. To the same effect, see the epistle dedicatory to Robert Johnson’s New Life of Virginea, bemoaning that “there is no common speech nor publicke name of any thing this day, (except it be the name of God) which is more vildly depraved, traduced and derided by such unhallowed lips, then the name of Virginea.” Johnson, The New Life of Virginea (1612), p. 4, reprinted in Force (1836), vol. 1. See also Chamberlain (1965), p. 209. Stock offering the previous year: Craven (1957), pp. 22–23, 26; Johnson, op. cit., p. 20. Lotteries: Ezell (1948), pp. 186–87; Va. Co. Recs., vol. 1, p. 390; Va. Co. Recs., vol. 3, p. 67; Smith (1624), pp. 252–54.

 

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