Dom João took a pragmatic approach to foreign policy, generally falling back on a ‘wait and see’ approach, a maxim that was not easy to adopt when the question concerned the slave trade. Although abolished in Brazil in 1810 by the Peace and Friendship Treaty with Britain, such commerce was to be the topic of debate and campaigns for nearly half a century. According to Article 10 of that treaty, the Prince Regent declared himself ‘convinced of the injustice and bad policy of the slave trade’ and committed to adhering to the British policy of prohibiting slave-trafficking by Portuguese subjects outside of Portuguese domains in Africa. If this were not yet enough to satisfy Britain, which had abolished slave-trafficking within the British Empire and intended to do the same throughout its domains – thus favouring mercantile commerce – at the very least, it was now illegal to engage in the trade of black people. Thus, when slave traffic was conducted outside of the Portuguese domain, those ships could be legally confiscated. Yet no matter how well equipped the British navy was, it was impossible to capture all of the ships engaged in slave-trafficking, especially when it came to laissez-faire lusophone policies: everything was done just for show, only ‘for the English to see’.
The question was complex, and Dom João’s lack of resolve was apparent. In 1815 the topic of abolition once more came to the forefront. During the Congress of Vienna a clause abolishing the slave trade throughout the northern hemisphere was passed. Portugal thereby lost one of its main sources of slaves: the African countries north of the equator. Not only did the Prince Regent agree to abolish slave-trafficking north of the equator, he also introduced new laws regulating the treatment of the enslaved population in Brazil. However, in a society so permeated with the institution of slavery, such regulations were largely ignored. Between the legal statute and the reality there was an immense abysm, which was impossible to close solely through decrees. Furthermore, Dom João’s attitude was always to placate all sides, as if to gain time in that increasingly lost cause. But the heat was on. Even the King of France, in a letter of 24 November 1818, urged ‘your good brother and cousin’ to abolish the slave traffic altogether. Some time later, after the Congress of Aix-La-Chapelle, where the suppression of the international slave trade was broached, other European nations were to apply similar pressure.
These measures not only affected the slave traffic, but the entire institution of slavery so integral to the running of the empire. For the first time the violence associated with the system was publicly denounced. The appalling conditions of the crossings were condemned, as well as the inhuman treatment of the slaves upon their arrival in Rio de Janeiro at the Valongo dock, less than a kilometre from the Royal Palace. In 1817 there were at least twenty ‘depots’ in the Valongo district where over a thousand captives, the majority of whom were boys and men between the ages of six and twenty-four, were simultaneously put on display.94 But the authorities seemed little disposed to take any serious measures against such a degrading exhibition. The same year, in a new victory for the abolitionists, Britain began to inspect any ship suspected of transporting slaves on the high seas. The measures were valid for fifteen years, and Portugal agreed to cease their slave-trafficking operations with immediate effect. It was at once momentous and momentously insufficient.
The Prince Regent also suffered troubles on the domestic front with increasing dissatisfaction from several sources. A revolution broke out in Pernambuco in 1817, which rapidly became a thorn in the government’s side. Up to that point, Dom João’s empire had been largely united. Now the north was in revolt against the ‘heavy taxes and excessive conscription’ that came in the wake of the conquest of the Banda Oriental ‘in which the Brazilian people have no part and which they judge to be contrary to their interests’, in the words of Hipólito da Costa, who expressed the dissatisfaction throughout the colony from the offices of the Correio in London.95 Expanding the empire to the south was sure to come at great cost. It led to both higher taxes and greater regional inequality. In the remoter parts of the colony people believed the arrival of the royal court had simply transferred domination by one distant city – Lisbon – to yet another, Rio de Janeiro. The captaincy of Pernambuco particularly was also suffering from the effects of the fall in sugar and cotton prices combined with a steady increase in the price of slaves. The situation was further exacerbated by the unpopularity of the governor, Caetano Pinto Montenegro, who was accused of cowardice and treachery.96 He was lampooned in verse and prose: ‘Caetano in name, Pinto in his lack of courage, Monte in height, and Black in actions.’ Some blamed the unrest on the ‘abominable French ideas’ that circulated in Recife, inspiring a ‘readers’ revolution’ based on authors like Raynal, Rousseau and Voltaire.97 The rebels were also inspired by the ideas of the founding fathers of the United States; Cabugá (Gonçalves da Cruz), one of the rebel leaders, travelled there seeking support.98
Regardless of ideology, the movement was a reaction to the gravity of the crisis that afflicted the captaincy. That same year a general recession provoked in part by the fluctuation in prices of export crops led to increasing dissatisfaction. Further aggravation resulted from a drop in commodity prices – mainly sugar and cotton – on the London markets, coupled with a severe drought that destroyed the already inadequate subsistence crops. Local people blamed all their woes on the court’s extravagant spending and excessive taxation. Thus, with no lack of motive, an insurrection united diverse groups, merchants and landowners, members of the clergy and the military, judges and artisans, as well as receiving widespread popular support from freemen and other members of the poorer classes. The rebels seized the city of Recife on 6 March and established a provisional government for the new Republic of Pernambuco, proclaiming equal rights and religious tolerance, but without touching on the tricky issue of slavery.
But while the city was adjusting, the Count of Arcos, who had been Viceroy of Brazil until Dom João’s arrival, planned the government reaction. He acted quickly to crush the uprising, sending a force of more than 8,000 men from Rio de Janeiro to reinforce the local troops who were blockading the capital and adjacent ports. Faced with the prospect of overwhelming defeat, the rebels succumbed to bickering and discouragement. The internal conflicts soon led to an unsustainable situation. Meanwhile, the Prince Regent had been forced to postpone his acclamation and responded with all the force at his disposal.
On 19 May the Portuguese troops disembarked in Pernambuco, finding the capital city abandoned and with no leadership. As had occurred after the Minas Conspiracy in 1789 and the Conspiracy of Bahia in 1798, the monarchy provided a brutal demonstration of its political and symbolic power. Again, their repression was indescribable, exemplified by their violent enforcement of law and order. In Recife, Salvador and Paraíba the rebels were publicly executed and displayed in a grotesque manner intended to set an example: ‘When they are dead their hands and heads shall be cut off and nailed to posts and the remains of their bodies tied to horses’ tails and dragged to the cemetery.’99 Once again the government of Portugal used an exaggerated ritual of repression to show the extent of its power. Nonetheless, the Pernambuco revolt was deeply rooted. There had been rebellion as far back as 1710. Such unrest was building an anti-colonial mindset against which the monarchy’s theatrical display of brute force no longer had the effect it had achieved in the past.
ACCLAMATION AND MARRIAGE: A WEDDING AT THE COURT
With the defeat of the revolution in Pernambuco the Crown was confident that less turbulent, more stable times lay ahead. The plans for the acclamation of the new king could finally come to fruition. Dom João wanted to be certain the ceremony would leave nothing to be desired, including a solemn entry into the Royal Palace, the ceremonial kissing of the royal hand, and all the great festivities marking the occasion. Celebratory events took place as far north as Bahia, where the streets were decorated with lanterns, the church bells pealed, and cannons fired in salute of the Prince Regent’s victory, acclaiming him king. On 6 February 1818 a decree
was issued terminating the investigations into the rebellions in Pernambuco, finally putting an end to the conflict and reaffirming the magnanimity of the sovereign. Harmony had been restored between the monarch and his vassals. Or so it was hoped. Let the people celebrate – it was from them that the monarch’s power derived.
The Gazeta do Rio de Janeiro, ever ready to extol the achievements of the monarchy, dedicated a special edition to the event.100 On 10 February its commemorative edition hailed ‘the glorious act of the Acclamation of Dom João VI, our August Sovereign and Model of Monarchs of the Universe’.101 Torches, treats and beverages, fireworks, pictures of the royal family, and emblems of both America and Asia, all contributed to the festive atmosphere. By a convenient manipulation of the calendar, the sacred date of the Five Wounds of Christ was made to coincide with the date of the acclamation,102 thereby dividing it between saints and kings. The contributions of the French artists further glorified the occasion. Grandjean de Montigny erected three neoclassical monuments evoking antiquity: a Greek temple to Minerva, an Egyptian obelisk and a Roman triumphal arch.103 He was assisted in creating these grandiose settings in faux marble, granite and bronze by Auguste-Marie Taunay, Debret, and Marc and Zéphryn Ferrez.104 The decorations were doubly symbolic: whereas the allegories and evocations of the classical world supplied a tradition the celebrations lacked, the materials from which they were made in fact reflected the ephemeral nature of the political moment.
People anxiously awaited the evening of 13 May 1818, when Hymen, a four-act allegory in praise of the Portuguese monarchy, was to be performed, and Historical Ball, an epic canvas by Jean-Baptiste Debret, was to be unveiled. The painting combined gods from classical mythology with members of the royal family. A regally attired Dom João was supported by allegorical figures representing the three nations – Portugal, Brazil and the Southern Territories – below which knelt Hymen and Amor, holding portraits of the prince and princess. Brazilian art had never known such pomp: Debret and Montigny spared no effort to confer the grandeur of classical antiquity on this empire adrift.
It was the first time that such a celebration had been seen in the New World. The Largo do Paço (Palace Square) was carefully prepared and crimson damask quilts were hung from the windows of the buildings along Rua Direita, together with other decorations. Every care was taken for the king to be in clear view to as many people as possible. The prince, now formally Dom João VI, finally presented himself as king. There he was, for his people to see, all decked out in the royal mantle of crimson velvet covered in gold, embroidery, and displaying the insignia of all his orders. At his side walked the heir to the throne Dom Pedro and his younger brother, the Infante Dom Miguel. The procession made its way to the Royal Chapel where a Te Deum was sung.105
Four towers had been erected in the Campo de Santana, a large park near the Praça da Republica. Each had twenty-four rooms, all of which were lit up, with groups of musicians playing symphonic music. At the centre of the gardens there was a square formed by sixteen statues and an artificial waterfall that fell in a cascade into a large tank full of exotic shells. To illuminate the scene, 60,000 lights had been installed: 102 aglets, 64 lanterns, a Chinese pavilion, pyramids with 400 candles and a theatre lit by 400 more.106 The monarch’s special guests were offered dessert, in a hall lined with damask, in sumptuous gold and silver bowls, while for the multitudes gathered outside there was an endless supply of sweets and drinks. Meanwhile, in the Teatro de São João, which had become the city’s main venue for political manifestations, people waved handkerchiefs and sang hymns in tribute to the sovereign.
With the revolution in Pernambuco behind it, the monarchy once again turned to its plans for the arrival of Dom Pedro’s wife.107 The archduchess Caroline (‘Maria’) Josepha Leopoldine, niece of Marie Antoinette, guillotined in the French Revolution, arrived in the colony shortly before the acclamation. The marriage of the heir to the Bragança empire had involved negotiations at the highest diplomatic level on American soil. The Marquis of Marialva’s mission in Vienna to find a wife for Dom Pedro had been successful108 and all impediments to the union had been swiftly resolved. The prince’s virtues were hard to ignore: his good looks, the nobility of his origin, the vast wealth and geographical extent of the Portuguese Empire, and his position as one of the few members of Europe’s royal elite who was available to take a wife. Princess Leopoldina, on the other hand, despite her supposed lack of physical charms,109 was well known for her intelligence, education and easygoing manner, but also for her determination. To show her commitment, as soon as the marriage contract had been signed, the future Princess of Brazil dedicated herself to the study of Portuguese as well as to the history, geography and economy of her future kingdom. She was particularly interested in mineralogy and botany. In her luggage she brought specimens of new plants to be acclimatized in Brazil.
The expenses of the Portuguese Embassy in the Austrian capital had included the distribution of jewels and gold bars to members of the court and and the Ministry of Overseas Affairs, and the hosting of a lavish party at the Augarten Imperial Gardens where the Marquis of Marialva had a dining room erected and gave a supper for four hundred guests. The wedding of the royal couple was celebrated on Dom João’s birthday, without of course the presence of the bridegroom. On 13 June the group arrived in Florence to await the arrival of the Portuguese squadron that was to take the bride to Brazil. But there were a series of delays. In addition to the revolution in Pernambuco in 1817, Emperor Francis was concerned about his daughter’s safety and refused to allow her to embark. He preferred to send her directly to Lisbon where she could join the royal family of which she was the latest member. Meanwhile the Austrian Foreign Minister, Metternich, strove to ward off pressure from the British, guaranteeing that the archduchess would fulfil the marriage agreement.
In Brazil, in the meantime, preparations had started again. The news of the royal wedding was celebrated with Masses and greeted with the pealing of bells, artillery salutes and prayers of thanksgiving. Tomás Antônio de Vilanova Portugal, the Business Secretary of the Kingdom, was placed in charge of organizing the event, which he proceeded to treat as a matter of utmost strategic importance to the government – which indeed it was. The Senate published a decree ordering the decoration of houses and windows and the cleaning of all the streets along which the procession would pass.110 Montigny constructed a new triumphal arch bedecked with garlands of flowers and medallions on which the attributes of the princess were engraved.
With these festivities, the nation was symbolically founded. As the engineering of the ritual was perfected, it was the representation that created the reality – not the other way round. The policing of the streets was redoubled, pavilions were erected and ornaments were hung in the streets along which the procession was to pass. From the São Bento hillside to the Royal Chapel sand, aromatic herbs and petals were strewn along the ground and the houses adorned with flowers. Leopoldina came ashore at the Navy Arsenal and after greeting the royal family Dom Pedro took her by the hand. The royal procession was watched with great enthusiasm; everyone wanted to see the new princess. It was thirty degrees when, at three o’clock, the couple arrived at the main entrance to the Royal Chapel. The wedding ceremony lasted an hour. The court then left for the Palace.111 Night was falling as the city was lit up and there was even a serenade sung to the princess. Dom Pedro, his sisters Princess Maria Teresa and the Infanta Maria Isabel took it in turns to sing an aria, and the musicians of the Royal Chamber joined with those of the Royal Chapel in performing a dramatic piece that lasted until two o’clock in the morning.
Despite the heat and the mosquitoes, Leopoldina adapted quickly to life in the colony. Very soon, to the general joy, it was discovered that she was with child. It was the first time that a royal heir was going to be born on Brazilian soil, a promising sign for the future stability of the distant and fragile kingdom in the Americas.
8
The Father Leaves, the Son Rem
ains
The tide carried off what the tide brought in.
Oliveira Lima, 19451
THE PORTO REBELLION: LIBERAL FOR PORTUGAL, CONSERVATIVE FOR BRAZIL
In 1814, after Napoleon’s defeat by the allied forces, the political situation in Europe seemed to have finally settled down. Everything pointed to the return of the ‘old order’ with the strengthening of the power of the monarchies under the political command of the Holy Alliance, mainly in the European territories. Nonetheless, Dom João’s decision to prolong his sojourn in the New World was seen as an indication that he was gradually putting down roots in his American colony. The king’s ‘transformation into a Brazilian’ was under way: in 1808 he established the open-ports policy; in 1815 he elevated the colony to the status of ‘United Kingdom’; and in 1816 he was preparing himself to be consecrated as Dom João VI, King of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves. All of this took place in this tropical colony.
However, in a short period the situation was to change dramatically. In Brazil the insurrections of Minas Gerais in 1789, of Bahia in 1798 and of Pernambuco in 1817 had made it clear that emancipation movements were now a major force in political experiments and local utopias. By then, the British Americas had become virtually independent, with the exception of the islands of the Caribbean, Equatorial Guiana and the cold domain of Canada. In the Spanish Americas, except for the Antilles, the prospect of independence was becoming increasingly real. ‘Abominable French ideas’ and American republican principles were spreading throughout the colonies, upsetting long-held certainties and ingrained beliefs.
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