by James Millar
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Billington, James H. (1966). The Icon and the Axe: An Interpretive History of Russian Culture. New York: Vintage Books. Brown, W.E. (1986). A History of Russian Literature of the Romantic Period. 4 vols. Ann Arbor: MI: Ardis. Mirsky, D.P. (1958). A History of Russian Literature from Its Beginnings to 1900, ed. Francis Whitfield. New York: Vintage Books. Proffer, Carl R., comp. (1989). Nineteenth-Century Russian Literature in English: A Bibliography of Criticism and Translations. Ann Arbor: MI: Ardis. Terras, Victor. (1991). A History of Russian Literature. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Terras, Victor, ed. (1985). Handbook of Russian Literature. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Todd, William Mills, III, ed. (1978). Literature and Society in Imperial Russia. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
MICHAEL A. DENNER
GOLDEN HORDE
An anachronistic and misleading term for an area more appropriately called the Ulus of Jochi or Khanate of Qipchaq (although Arabic sources at times refer to it as the Ulus of Batu or Ulus of Berke).
In Russian sources contemporary to the existence of the Golden Horde, the term Orda alone was used to apply to the camp or palace, and later to the capital city, where the khan resided. The term Zolotaya Orda, which has been translated as “Golden Horde,” first appears in Russian sources of the late sixteenth to early seventeenth centuries, many decades after the end of the Qipchaq Khanate. In a travel account of 1624 concerning a journey he took to Persia, the merchant Fedot Afanasievich Kotov describes coming to the lower Volga River: “Here by the river Akhtuba [i.e., the eastern effluent of the Volga] stands the Zolotaya Orda. The khan’s court, palaces, and [other] courts, and mosques are all made of stone. But now all these buildings are being dismantled and the stone is being taken to Astrakhan.” Zolotaya Orda can be understood here to mean the capital city of the Qipchaq Khanate. Of the two capitals of that khanate-Old Sarai or New Sarai (referred to in the historiography as Sarai Batu and Sarai Berke, re-spectively)-Kotov’s description most likely refers to New Sarai at the present-day Tsarev archaeological site.
In the History of the Kazan Khanate (Kazanskaya istoriya), which some scholars date to the second half of the sixteenth century and others to the early seventeenth century, the term Zolotaya Orda (or Zlataya Orda) appears at least fifteen times. Most of these references seem to be to the capital city- that is, where the khan’s court was-but some can by extension be understood to apply to the entire area ruled by the khan. The problem with accepting the reliability of this work is its genre, which seems to be historical fiction. Given the popularity of the History of the Kazan Khanate (the text is extant in more than two hundred manuscript copies),
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one can understand how the term Golden Horde became a popular term of reference. It is more difficult to understand why.
Neither Kotov nor the author of the History of the Kazan’ Khanate explains why he is using the term Golden Horde. It does not conform to the steppe color-direction system, such that black equals north, blue equals east, red equals south, white equals west, and yellow (or gold) equals center. The Qipchaq Khanate was not at the center of the Mongol Empire but at its western extremity, so one should expect the term White Horde, which does occur, although rarely, in sources contemporary to its existence. Even then the term seems to apply only to the khanate’s western half, while the term Blue Horde identifies its eastern half. One could refer to the palace or the camp of any khan as “golden” in the sense that it was at the “center” of the khanate, but in no other case is it used to refer to a khanate as a whole.
In the eighteenth century, Princess Yekaterina Dashkova suggested that the term Golden Horde was applied to the Qipchaq Khanate “because it possessed great quantities of gold and the weapons of its people were decorated with it.” But this conjecture seems to fall into the realm of folk etymology. Others have suggested that the term refers to the golden pavilion of the khan, or at least a tent covered with golden tiles (as the fourteenth-century traveler Ibn Battuta described the domicile of Khan (?zbek). Yet khans in other khanates had similar tents or pavilions at the time, so there was nothing that would make this a distinguishing trait of the Qipchaq khan or of his khanate, let alone a reason to call the khanate “golden.” George Ver-nadsky proposed that Golden Horde may have been applied to the Khanate of Qipchaq (or Great Horde) only after the separation of the Crimean Khanate and Kazan Khanate from it in the mid-fifteenth century. It would have occupied, accordingly, a central or “golden” position between the two. Yet, neither of the other khanates, in the evidence available, was designated white or blue (or red or black) as would then be expected.
This leaves three intractable considerations: (1) there is no evidence that the Qipchaq Khanate was ever referred to as “Golden Horde” during the time of its existence; (2) the earliest appearance of the term in a nonfictional work is one written more than a hundred years after the khanate’s demise and refers specifically to the capital city where the khan resided, not to the khanate as a whole; and (3) no better reason offers itself for calling the Qipchaq Khanate the Golden Horde than an apparent mistake in a late sixteenth- or early seventeenth-century Muscovite work of fiction.
The Khanate of Qipchaq was set up by Batu (d. 1255) in the 1240s after the return of the Mongol force that invaded central Europe. Batu thus became the first khan of a khanate that was a multiethnic conglomeration consisting of Qipchaqs (Polovtsi), Kangli, Alans, Circassians, Rus, Armenians, Greeks, Volga Bulgars, Khwarezmians, and others, including no more than 4000 Mongols who ruled over them. Economically, it was made up of nomadic pastoralists, sedentary agriculturalists, and urban dwellers, including merchants, artisans, and craftsmen. The territory of the khanate at its greatest expanse reached from Galicia and Lithuania in the west to present-day Mongolia and China in the east, and from Transcaucasia and Khwarezm in the south into the forest zone of the Rus principalities and western Siberia in the north. Some scholars dispute whether the Rus principalities were ever officially part of the Qipchaq Khanate or merely vassal states. These scholars cite the account of the fourteenth-century Arabic historian al-Umari to the effect that the Khanate consisted of four parts: Sarai, the Crimea, Khwarezm, and the Desht-i Qipchaq (the western Eurasian steppe). Since most Rus principalities were not in the steppe but in the forest zone north of the steppe, they would seem to be excluded. Other scholars argue that not too fine a point should be put on what al-Umari understood as the northern limit of the Desht-i Qipchaq, for, according to Juvaini, Jochi, the son of Chinghis Khan and father of Batu, was granted all lands to the west of the Irtysh River “as far in that direction as the hooves of Tatar horses trod,” which would seem to include the Rus principalities conquered in campaigns between 1237 and 1240. In addition, a number of Rus sources refer to the Rus principalities as ulus of the khan.
The governmental structure of the Qipchaq Khanate was most likely the same as that of other steppe khanates and was led by a ruler called a “khan” who could trace his genealogical lineage back to Chinghis Khan. A divan of qarachi beys (called ulus beys in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries), made up of four emirs, each of whom headed one of the major chiefdoms, constituted a council of state that regularly advised the khan. The divan’s consent was required for all significant enterprises on the part of the government. All important documents concerning internal matters had to be countersigned (usually by means of a
GOLD STANDARD
seal) by the qarachi beys for them to go into effect. Their witnessing was also required for all agreements with foreign powers to become official. The khan was not allowed to meet with foreign ambassadors without the presence of the qarachi beys, as representatives of the major chiefdoms. At times an assembly called a quriltai advised the khan but could also be called to choose a new khan or depose the reigning khan. Notable men from the ruling class made up the quriltai, and this included the khan’s relatives and retinue, religious leaders, and other members of the nobil
ity from the ruling class’s lower ranks. The government was set up on a dual-administrative basis with a vizier in charge of civilian administration, including record-keeping and the treasury. The beklaribek (head of the qarachi beys) presided over military administration. The clan of each qarachi bey held the highest social and political status within its chiefdom, with people of every social status in descending order down to slaves beneath.
Six of the early khans of the Qipchaq Khanate were sky worshipers, the traditional religion of the Mongols. One of these khans, Sartaq (r. 1256-1257), may have been a Nestorian Christian and another, Berke (r. 1257-1267), was Muslim. But all the early khans followed policies of religious toleration. In the early fourteenth century, Khan ?zbek (r. 1313-1341) converted to Islam, which from then on became the official religion of the elite of the Khanate and spread to most of the rest of the population. The Rus principalities, however, remained Christian, since the Rus Church enjoyed the protection of the khans as long as the Rus clergy prayed for the well-being of the khan and his family.
The Qipchaq Khanate had extensive diplomatic dealings with foreign powers, both as part of the Mongol Empire and independently. It maintained agreements with the Byzantine Empire and Mam-luk Egypt. It fought incessantly with the Ilkhanate and maintained alternating periods of agreement and conflict with the Grand Dukes of Lithuania. It maintained extensive commercial dealings with Byzantium, Egypt, Genoa, Pisa, and Venice to the west, as well as with the other Mongol khanates and China to the east. During the fourteenth century, a high Islamic Turkic culture emerged in the Qipchaq Khanate.
At the end of the thirteenth century, the Qipchaq Khanate survived a devastating civil war between Khan Tokhta and the Prince Nogai. After the assassination of Khan Berdibek in 1359, the khanate went through more than 20 years of turmoil and endured another devastating civil war, this time between Khan Tokhtamish and the Emir Mamai. In 1395 Tamerlane swept through the khanate, defeated the army of Tokhtamish, and razed the capital cities. In the middle of the fifteenth century the Qipchaq Khanate began to split up, with the Crimean Khanate and Kazan Khanate separating off. Finally in 1502, the Crimean Khan Mengli Girey defeated the last khan of the Qipchaq Khanate, absorbed the western part of the khanate into his domains, and allowed the organization of the Khanate of Astrakhan to govern the rest. The Qipchaq Khanate, nonetheless, had lasted far longer as an independent political entity than any of the other ulus granted by Chinghis Khan to his sons. See also: ASTRAKHAN, KHANATE OF; BATU; CENTRAL ASIA; CRIMEAN KHANATE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fedorov-Davydov, G. A. (1984). The Culture of the Golden Horde Cities, tr. H. Bartlett Wells. Oxford: B.A.R. Fedorov-Davydov, G. A. (2001). The Silk Road and the Cities of the Golden Horde. Berkeley, CA: Zinat Press. Halperin, Charles J. (1985). Russia and the Golden Horde: Mongol Impact on Medieval Russian History. Bloom-ington: Indiana University Press. Schamiloglu, Uli. (1986). “Tribal Politics and Social Organization in the Golden Horde.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, New York. Schamiloglu, Uli. (2002). “The Golden Horde.” In The Turks, 6 vols., ed. Hasan Cel?l G?zel, C. Cem Oguz, and Osman Karatay, 2:819-835. Ankara: Yeni T?rkiye. Vernadsky, George. (1953). The Mongols and Russia. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
DONALD OSTROWSKI
GOLD STANDARD
A gold standard is a monetary system in which a country backs its currency with gold reserves and allows the conversion of its currency into gold. Tsarist Russia introduced the gold standard in January 1897 and maintained it until 1914. The policy was adopted both as a means of attracting foreign capital for the ambitious industrialization efforts of the late tsarist era, and to earn international respectability for the regime at a time when the world’s leading economies had themselves
GOLITSYN, VASILY VASILIEVICH
adopted gold standards. Preparation for this move began under Russian Finance Minister Ivan Vysh-negradsky (1887-1892), who actively built up Russia’s gold supply while restricting the supply of paper money. After a brief setback, the next finance minister, Sergei Witte (1892-1903), continued to amass gold reserves and restrict monetary growth through foreign borrowing and taxation. By 1896, Russian gold reserves had reached levels commensurate (in relative terms) with other major European nations on the gold standard. The gold standard proved so controversial in Russia that it had to be introduced directly by imperial decree, over the objections of the State Council (Duma). This decree was promulgated on January 2, 1897, authorizing the emission of new five- and ten-ruble gold coins. At this point the state bank (Gos-bank) became the official bank of issue, and Russia pegged the new ruble to a fixed quantity of gold with full convertibility. This meant that the ruble could be exchanged at a stable, fixed rate with the other major gold-backed currencies of the time, which facilitated trade by eliminating foreign exchange risk.
Private foreign capital inflows increased considerably after the introduction of the gold standard, and currency stability increased as well. By World War I, Russia had been transformed from a state set somewhat apart from the international financial system to the world’s largest international debtor. Proponents argue that the gold standard accelerated Russian industrialization and integration with the world economy by preventing inflation and attracting private capital (substituting for the low rate of domestic savings). They also point out that the Russian economy might not have recovered so quickly after the Russo-Japanese war and civil unrest in 1904 and 1905 without the promise of stability engendered by the gold standard. Critics, however, charge that the gold standard required excessively high foreign borrowing and tax, tariff, and interest rates to introduce. They further charge that once in place, the gold standard was deflationary, inflexible, and too preferential to foreign investment. Economist Paul Gregory argues that the entire debate may be moot, inasmuch as Russia had no choice but to adopt the gold standard in an international environment that practically required it for countries wishing to take advantage of the era’s large-scale cross-border trade and investment opportunities. Russia abandoned the gold standard in 1914 under the financial pressure of World War I. See also: FOREIGN TRADE; INDUSTRIALIZATION; VYSHNE-GRADSKY, IVAN ALEXEYEVICH; WITTE, SERGEI YULIE-VICH
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Drummond, Ian. (1976). “The Russian Gold Standard, 1897-1914.” Journal of Economic History 36(4): 633-688. Gerschenkron, Alexander. (1962). Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective: A Book of Essays. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Gregory, Paul. (1994). Before Command: An Economic History of Russia from Emancipation to the First Five-Year Plan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Von Laue, Theodore. (1963). Sergei Witte and the Industrialization of Russia. New York: Columbia University Press.
JULIET JOHNSON
GOLITSYN, VASILY VASILIEVICH
(1643-1714), chief minister and army commander during the regency of Sophia Alekseyevna.
Prince Vasily Golitsyn was the eldest son of Prince Vasily Andreyevich Golitsyn and Tatiana Streshneva. Both his parents were from aristocratic clans with strong connections, which brought young Vasily the honorific posts of cup-bearer to Tsar Alexis in 1658 and coach attendant in 1666. In 1663 he married Avdotia Streshneva, who bore him six children. In 1675 he was posted to Ukraine, where he served intermittently during the Russo-Turkish war of 1676-1681, leading an auxiliary force, organizing fortification works and provisioning, and taking a major role in negotiations with Cossack leaders. He was appointed commander in chief of the southern army just before the truce of 1681. During visits to court, Golitsyn won the favor of Tsar Fedor (r. 1676-1682), who promoted him to the rank of boyar in 1676. He also held posts as director of the Artillery Chancellery and the Vladimir High Court. In 1681 he returned to Moscow to chair a commission on army reform, with special reference to regimental structure and the appointment of officers. The commission’s proposals led to the abolition in January 1682 of the Code of Precedence, although its scheme for provincial vice-regencies was rejected.
Following Tsar
Fedor’s death in May 1682, Golitsyn rose further thanks to the patronage of
GONCHAROVA, NATALIA SERGEYEVNA
Tsarevna Sophia Alekseyevna, who became regent to the joint tsars Ivan V (r. 1682-1696) and Peter I (r. 1682-1725). Their relationship is said to have begun when Sophia was caring for the ailing Fe-dor, to whose bedchamber Golitsyn often reported, but contemporary Russian sources do not record any such meetings. The claim that the couple became lovers rests on hearsay and some coded letters dating from the later 1680s. Golitsyn was not closely involved in the intrigues with the Moscow militia (musketeers) that brought Sophia to power following a bloody revolt, but he remained close to the tsars during the so-called Khovanshchina and was appointed director of the important Foreign Office, and later accumulated the directorships of the Foreign Mercenaries, Cavalry, Little Russian (Ukrainian), Smolensk, Novgorod, Ustyug, and Galich chancelleries, which afforded him a substantial power base. In 1683 Sophia dubbed him “Guardian of the Tsar’s Great Seal and the State’s Great Ambassadorial Affairs.”
Golitsyn’s main talent was for foreign affairs. He was unusual among Russian boyars in knowing Latin and Greek and became known as a friend of foreigners. He was instrumental in negotiating the renewal of the 1661 Treaty of Kardis with Sweden (1684), trade treaties with Prussia (1689), and the important treaty of permanent peace with Poland (1686), by which Russia broke its truce with the Ottomans and Tatars and entered the Holy League against the infidels. In fulfillment of Russia’s obligations to the League, Golitsyn twice led vast Russian armies to Crimea, in 1687 and 1689, on both occasions returning empty-handed, having suffered heavy losses as a result of shortages of food and water. Golitsyn’s enemies blamed him personally for the defeats, but Sophia greeted him as a victor, thereby antagonizing the party of the second tsar Peter I, who objected to “undeserved rewards and honors.” Following a stand-off between the two sides in August-September 1689, Golitsyn was arrested for aiding and abetting Sophia, bypassing the tsars, and causing “losses to the sovereigns and ruin to the state” as a result of the Crimean campaigns. He and his family were exiled to the far north, first to Kargopol, then to Archangel province, where he died in 1714.