"And what do you deduce from this?"
"That the Russo German friendship pact is not worth the paper it is written on; it was just one of Stalin's cards and a very high one. He still regards Germany as his only really dangerous, potential enemy. If she emerges from the present struggle victorious his situation will be worse than ever. You know Hitler's technique. With the Western Powers disposed of he might suddenly decide to rescue the German speaking population of South Russia from Russian oppression. Then Stalin would have to face the might of Germany on his own, but… '
"Why, then, did he not go in with the Western Powers when he had the chance?" Goering interrupted.
"Firstly, because he didn't want to go to war at all if he could avoid it, and if he'd gone in with the Western Powers he'd obviously have had to resist an invasion once the German armies had overrun Poland. Secondly, he considered that the Allies were quite capable of coming out on top without his assistance. Thirdly, if he'd lined up with the Democracies he would have had to continue to observe the covenant of the League of Nations, which would have tied his hands in the Baltic."
"Ha, ha! I wondered when all this rigmarole was going to get us to Finland."
"We're doing very nicely and we shall be there in a moment.
In the meantime I hope I've made it clear that Stalin had nothing to gain and everything to lose by coming in with the
Democracies. He simply gambled on the fact very shrewdly, in my view that, whether they won or not, by keeping out he would be able to strengthen his hand against Germany.
"So far he hasn't done too badly, either." Gregory pointed. "Just look at the map. As his share of the swag you had to let him have half Poland. That enables him to build a Maginot Line there 400 miles in advance of his old frontier, which will make it infinitely more difficult for you should you ever contemplate marching into the Ukraine. Then where are your other natural bases for an invasion of Russia? Obviously the most suitable are Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia; all small countries, quite unable to resist any pressure exerted by a big neighbour, and all having considerable German populations. By one of your propaganda campaigns such as you used with the Sudeten Germans in Czechoslovakia you might easily have found it necessary to establish yourselves as the protector of these little neutrals and have established bases in them; but by his pact with you Stalin has been able to forestall you there, and it is he 'who has done this instead of you. Now where is the only remaining jumping off place which you still might use for an attack on European Russia?" ”Finland," murmured Goering, " Finland."
"Of course. The Finnish frontier is only twenty miles from Leningrad. During the last war you trained a battalion of Finns who afterwards officered the Finnish Army in the War of Independence. You also sent von der Goltz and German troops there to help fight the Bolsheviks. Finland is therefore definitely pro German and extremely anti Russian.
"In the event of Germany’s emerging from this war still unbroken she might at any time form a secret alliance with Finland. The Mannerheim Line is quite strong enough to resist an attack until Germany could land a considerable expeditionary force in the Finnish ports to reinforce it. People are laughing about the recent Moscow broadcast in which the Russians declared that the Finns were threatening them. On the face of it, the suggestion that a nation of four million people can threaten one of a hundred and eighty millions is laughable: but when we get down to the real root of the matter it is not laughable at all. The Kremlin obviously cannot announce the fact, but what they really mean is that at some future date four million Finns backed by eighty million Germans might constitute a threat to Russia, and of such a combination they have every reason to be very frightened indeed."
Goering's impatient scowl had disappeared and he refilled both their glasses as Gregory went on
"I haven't seen the English papers but I can give a pretty shrewd guess about the sort of stuff that many of them contain. They're saying: `Now Stalin has at last come out in his true colours and shown himself for the brigand that he is. All his talk about preserving peace because it is the workers who suffer most in any war was mere eyewash. he doesn't give a damn about the workers and has revived all the old imperialistic aim, of the Tsars. He's out for conquest and the rotten swine means to grab everything he can while the rest of us have got our hands full.' "
"That's right," Goering nodded. "I see a summary of everything appearing in your papers and that is the line most of them take."
"Well, they're off the mark. Stalin may be a thug but he's not an imperialist. He would still prefer to have peace if he could get what he wants without war and he's been successful so far but it's absolutely vital to him that if Russia is to be secured from German aggression in the future he should close all her western approaches now, while he's got the chance. We may dislike Stalin and be sorry for these small neutrals whom: he's blackmailing but we can't blame him, because it's his job to put the interests of Russia before everything else."
"You think, then, that, if he can't get what he's after by: threats, he really means to invade Finland: "
"I'm certain of it; because for the moment you can't possibly afford to scrap the Russo German Pact and send aid to the Finns. If he waits, some major change in the international situation a sudden peace move, perhaps might rob him of his one great opportunity to' bar that vulnerable north western gate. Therefore he must act at once and by that I mean within: the next few weeks."
"Why? Climatic conditions?"
"Yes. The lakes and swamps make Finland’s eastern frontier almost impassable from April till November, and from February: to April the snow is so deep that major operations are impossible; whereas from the end of November up till the end of January the lakes are frozen over and the ice thick enough to carry transport but there is still insufficient snow to prove a serious obstacle. That is why, having gobbled up Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, Stalin had to wait until now before he could bring real pressure to bear on Finland. If he waits until January it will be too late to launch an offensive with any hope of a quick creak through, and if he waits until next November he may have lost his chance for good and all."
"Yes, yes; you're right about that. But do you think the
Finns will fight?"
"God knows. They're a brave people but their numbers are so small and the weight of the Russian tanks and bombers that can be brought against them is tremendous. If they do fight they risk utter annihilation and the destruction of every town in he country, but it is certainly to your interest that they should do so."
"Not necessarily. Personally, I have always been for curbing he power of the Bolsheviks, and if Russia secures her bases in Finland either by threats or by overrunning the country it will be another blow to German prestige in the Baltic. On the other land, if Russia starts even a minor war it will make it much more difficult for her to fulfil her obligations to us and we don't wish to give her any further excuse for delaying the supplies of material that she's promised. If the Finns give in we get our supplies; if they fight well…" Goering shrugged.
"Listen." Gregory set down his glass with a bang. "You're not going to get those supplies or, anyway, nothing like the quantity you have been led to believe so you might as well count that out. I tell you Stalin doesn't mean to help Germany win the war; therefore you'd be mad to allow him to get away with the rape of Finland if you can possibly prevent it."
"I'm doing what I can to persuade Russia to moderate her demands. You heard me say that I intend to see the Soviet Ambassador to morrow morning."
"That's not enough. You're in no position to exert any pressure on the Kremlin so they won't take the least notice of you. Your game is to tackle this job from the other end and to persuade the Finns to tell the Russians to go to Hell."
"To do so would be to go against the Führer’s policy. If it leaked out that I had privately been in communication with the Finnish Government there would be the very devil to pay."
"Perhaps. But there are ways and means of ensu
ring that it doesn't leak out and, anyhow, I'm not concerned with the Führer’s policy. He thinks that he is going to win this war, doesn't he? But you don't."
Goering smiled. "As I'm talking to a man who is already as good as dead I don't mind admitting that I think it unlikely. If we had attacked France and Britain right away we might have pulled it off, but I was overruled about that; the others insisted that once the Polish business was a fait accompli the Western Powers would throw in their hand. But when I say I think it unlikely that we shall win I do not at all mean that we shall necessarily lose, because, as I've told you, Germany can hold out against the blockade indefinitely."
"Right. Let's assume, then, that this year, next year or in
five years' time, when everybody is thoroughly fed up, there will years' a peace by negotiation. Germany may still be strong enough to insist on retaining her Austrian, Czechoslovakian and Polish territories; but is that enough? She will still be fenced in by customs barriers and emigration restrictions. You may be quite certain that Britain and France will not give up any of their Colonies, and if you go on sinking neutral shipping as you have been doing Germans aren't going to find a ready welcome if they try to settle in other countries. It'll take you a few years to recover from the war. Then you'll be faced again with the same old problem; the inevitable pressure of Germany 's virile population will force her leaders to seek a new outlet."
"Yes," Goering nodded. "'The Democracies sneer at our claim for Lebensraum, but they have no right to do so. We Germans cannot be bottled up indefinitely and this question must be faced, if not at the peace conference then a few years later, when the distress of war has once more faded from the public mind."
"Good. Then what are you going to do have a third crack at Britain and France? That's not going to get you anywhere, because if the peace is one of negotiation Europe will remain an armed camp. But why should you when, if you could get the Ukraine, South Russia down to the Black Sea and a free hand to develop the resources of Asiatic Russia, you'd have an empire equal in its potentialities to the British or the French? Stalin is the bad boy of the family nobody loves old 'Joe' so we're not going to his assistance. particularly after the help he is assumed to have given you against us in this present war. Obviously, then, Germany 's future lies in the East."
"Exactly what I have always maintained."
"Like Stalin, then, you must forget the present and adopt a long term policy. I think it's very doubtful if the Democracies will ever agree to make a peace with Hitler; they have no faith whatever in his word. But he's as good as said himself that he would be prepared to go into retirement if it were for the good of the Reich. Your situation is very different. You are the most popular of the Nazi leaders in Germany and, in spite of the war, your stock still stands pretty high in Britain. Clearly, therefore, if there is a negotiated peace while the Nazis are still in control of Germany you will be the new leader of the German nation."
"Only with the Führer’s consent and approval."
"Yes, yes; but we can take that for granted. Internal and external pressure will be too great for him to resist. My point is that you should not wait until supreme power is placed in your hands possibly at some extremely difficult moment but must make up your mind now what your policy is going to be when power comes to you, and shape events as far as possible so that conditions will be favourable for you to carry that policy out.'°
Goering took a long drink and stared at Gregory. "Why the Hell do I allow you to talk to me like this?"
"Because you're not the fat, jolly fool that it suits you to let the masses think you, but one of the greatest statesmen in Europe; and you know that I'm talking sound sense."
"Go on, then. What do you suggest that I should do?"
"Your long term policy is an invasion of Russia three years after you have been able to secure a negotiated peace. Finland is your last stronghold in the Northern Baltic. As long as Finnish independence is maintained there is always an opening for you to negotiate a secret alliance with the Finns. Use Finland as your base and strike right down at Moscow. That is why Finnish independence must be maintained at all costs and, rather than that she should give a single base to Russia, by hook or by crook you've got to persuade her to fight."
"That's easier said than done. As I've already told you, I dare not enter into secret negotiation with the Finnish Government and from all I've heard it looks as if they'll give in rather than fight."
Gregory emptied his second goblet of champagne. He was feeling pretty good again now as he said: "I think you'll admit that I've managed to interest you on the subject of Finland, so can I take it that I shall not be handed over to the gentlemen downstairs who beat people with steel rods?"
"Yes. You've won your wager," Goering nodded, "but don't get any idea that I mean to let you go; you'll still have to face a firing squad."
"Have I convinced you that it is in Germany ’s interests that Finland should resist Russia ’s demands?"
"Yes, and I admit that your long term policy for Germany and the world offers the best hope of permanent peace that has ever been devised."
"Are you, then, prepared to lead Germany on this new and glorious destiny?"
"If I could do so without disloyalty to my Führer" Good. Then let us discuss it further."
"It would be useless to do so. Our talk has clarified my ideas on the subject and many of your views are in line with those that I've held for a long time, but the plan breaks down at its very outset because the Finns dare not resist."
"If I could produce a method by which you might induce them to do so, would you give me my life?"
"No." Goering turned away. "I've talked much too freely for that. I'm sorry on personal grounds, but I never allow such things to influence my decisions. Nothing you can say now will save you from a bullet."
Chapter XI
Faked Passports
GREGORY remained quite silent for a moment, studying the heavy, forceful face in front of him. It was serene but implacable. There was nothing cruel about it, nothing evil. It was fat with good living, like those of the later Caesars and, like the best of them, still handsome in its rugged strength. The eyes, too, were quick with understanding and intelligence.
Hours earlier that evening when Gregory had first entered the great, silent apartment in which they stood he had believed that if he could once intrigue Goering with the story of his adventures his life would be safe. He had done so and they had dined together like the best of friends, yet he had lost that round.
Afterwards he had still believed that he might save his neck if he proved clever enough to clarify the Marshal's ideas upon the European situation by putting forward possibilities with a bluntness that few Germans would' have dared to use. He had done so; and to such a degree that he might, perhaps, even have altered the whole course of events in Europe for the next fifty years by influencing Goering's decisions through the ambitious plans he had laid before him. But he had lost that round as well.
What was there left? An appeal to sentiment was utterly useless. Goering moved through life as a super battleship ploughs the seas; he allowed nothing to deflect him from his course once he had set it, and all lesser vessels were forced to give way before his relentless progress. Having once decided that Gregory knew too much to be allowed to live, what possible argument could make him go back on his decision? He liked brave people and if he would not spare Gregory when he had shown himself to be a man of courage he would only treat him with contempt if he started to beg for mercy.
Gregory knew that he was up against the toughest proposition that he had ever encountered; but he felt no malice. Goering was an opponent worthy of his steel. If the sands of his life were really running out at last he could console himself with the thought that he had failed only because he had tried to move a mountain. It was no disgrace to have broken oneself against the implacable 'Iron Hermann'.
With a little shrug he said: "Well, I suppose we might as well finish the magnum."<
br />
"Certainly." Goering refilled the champagne goblets for the third time and replaced the big bottle in its ice bucket. "I don't feel in a mood for company this evening so I shan't go down and join my guests now. I shall set to work on this Russian business; but there's no immediate hurry, as I never go to bed before two in the morning."
"Good. In that case I may be able to help you."
Goering grinned. "I was thinking of my interview with the Soviet Ambassador tomorrow; and although you're a very clever fellow, Sallust, I don't see how you can help me to bring pressure to bear on the Kremlin."
"No. Nobody can help you there. I meant my scheme for persuading the Finns to resist Russia 's demand."
"But you ask your life for that, and as I don't think it possible, I'm not playing."
"You can't say whether it's possible or not until you've heard it."
"In my view, whatever your scheme might be, the general situation would make it impossible of application; because we are no better placed to exert pressure on the Finns than we are on the Russians."
"I don't agree; and since you won't pay me for it I'll give it to you for nothing."
"Why should you?"
"Oh, I owe you something for having made the last evening of my life such an interesting one; and when I get to Hell I'll make even Satan's mouth water by a description of that bottle of Marcobrunner Cabinet 1900 you gave me for dinner."
"All right, go ahead if you wish."
"Tell me first what you know about the U.S.S.R. The German Secret Service is pretty good and a prcis of all essential reports come to you. Russia is a closed book to most of us. Some people believe her to be the same old Russia of the Tsarist days; slow moving, inefficient, with bribery and corruption rife everywhere; almost unlimited man power still, of course, but not the organization to operate one tenth of it effectively. Other people believe that Russia has undergone a real rebirth; that her soldiers are now educated men, clean, efficient, proud of their country; and that Voroshilov has forged a weapon in the Soviet armies and air force which is the most powerful fighting machine in the world. Few people can know the real truth but you must have a very shrewd idea of it."
Faked Passports gs-3 Page 15