The treachery of Washington politics and the subtle prejudices against outsiders, can be disillusioning. Washington can be a brutal place, a place where careers and reputations are tainted with impunity simply so a particular person or political party has an advantage in the next election cycle. It is possible to survive with your integrity intact in our nation’s capital, but it is not easy. I’m sometimes asked, “Do you think you were treated unfairly?”
Of course. But so what? Everyone, at some point, believes life is unfair, but you must learn to accept and overcome adversity, put your trust in God rather than human beings, and move on. I harbored resentment for a time against Democratic senators and staffers who attacked me, and against Republicans who abandoned me. Now I see that while they sought to do evil to me, God used it for good. And indeed, I am in a good place with my family, my career, and my God.
To thrive in such a cutthroat, often anti-Christian culture as Washington, it is important to know what you believe, and to define yourself rather than letting others do so in a way that serves their interests. The importance of true friends, family, and your faith are invaluable—especially when you are under attack.
It is no secret that life is filled with adversities; events happen that are hard to understand. During an especially difficult period while I was the attorney general, one of my former colleagues in the White House, a woman of strong Christian faith who was aware of my tenacious efforts to apprehend child predators, surprised me by her insight. “You are engaged in a battle between good and evil,” she said. “Your cause is just, but there are evil forces at work against you.” She helped me realize that opposition to me was not merely political, but spiritual.
The lesson I took away from that conversation was that I was engaged in something much bigger than me. Consequently, I have tried hard not to personalize the attacks on my character or competence nor whine that I was treated unfairly. I knew I represented the president, my department, and the entire administration. I also sensed that my response to all this would form an impression in some minds about Hispanics in leadership positions. I knew people of my ethnic background were watching carefully how I conducted myself under pressure. At the risk of being presumptuous or overly pious, I knew that as a Christian I also represented Jesus Christ and his teachings. God had placed me in the positions I held, so I wanted to walk worthy of Him, in integrity and dignity, believing always that someday, somehow, the truth would triumph.
Today, I tell young people who wish to engage in political battles, “Step into the arena with your eyes open and your armor securely attached. Be bold and take risks. Never fear criticism; you will not be treated fairly; accept the fact that you will be criticized no matter what you do, so do good anyway.”
My critics claimed that as attorney general, I attempted to align the Justice Department too closely with the White House. Those who believe I made decisions to curry favor with the White House do not know me or my values, nor do they understand my personal relationship with the president. Yes, one of my responsibilities as a cabinet official in the Bush administration was to promote and carry out the president’s law enforcement priorities. I make no apology for that. As long as those policies were lawful, I had a duty to carry them out.
Unlike other cabinet members, however, as attorney general I also had a duty—indeed, my primary responsibility was to prosecute crimes and to provide advice on the legality of administration policies. Several of our terrorism policies raised difficult legal issues that resulted in significant disagreement among administration lawyers.
I listened carefully to competing views and weighed the arguments before rendering a legal opinion. Sometimes my decisions did not align with the interests of the White House, but I always worked hard to see that they aligned with the Constitution.
When I stood to take the oath of office as US attorney general, I repeated these words: “I, Alberto R. Gonzales, do solemnly swear that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God.” That was not a new commitment for me. In a sense, true faith and allegiance—faith in God and allegiance to my family and to my country—have been the guiding principles of my life. I have not always succeeded in living up to those standards, but as I stepped into the arena, that was my aim.
It has been an honor to serve my country, and I would do it again in a heartbeat. Despite the difficulties and adversities I experienced, I am happy and content. I have a loving family and a meaningful career helping to shape the legal minds who will guide America in the future. I have accomplished the American Dream. I have journeyed from Humble beginnings to one of the most powerful offices in the world, and beyond.
My story is not over. The trials and tribulations have made me stronger and wiser. I possess a renewed sense of mission, and although I have no idea where God will lead me, or how He will use me, I know I have more chapters yet to write. I live each day with the awareness that there is much more for me to do, and I’m ready for every challenge.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
There are far too many people who played a role in this remarkable life of mine to acknowledge by name. Whether our lives touched for a short time or you have been by my side for much of my journey, I am grateful and I thank you. A few individuals, however, deserve special recognition.
I wish to first acknowledge the work of my talented collaborator, Ken Abraham. Ken and I began working on this project two years ago. We spent countless hours together reviewing original handwritten drafts, recorded interviews, talking over ideas and writing and rewriting drafts of the manuscript. Ken is a true professional who now knows perhaps as much about my life and experiences as anyone except my wife, Rebecca. I appreciate Ken’s help and counsel. Rebecca and I are grateful for our friendship with Ken and his wife, Lisa.
I also want to thank Thomas Nelson (HarperCollins Christian Publishing) for their confidence in me and for their patience and guidance. Webster Younce and my excellent editor, Heather Skelton, along with the rest of the Thomas Nelson team, have successfully brought my story to life. I appreciate their counsel while giving me the flexibility to tell my story, my way, and in my voice.
A significant part of this book is based on my memories, notes, and outside sources and materials. However, I also relied on friends and former colleagues to help get the story right. Special thanks to Andy Card, Kevin O’Connor, Jim Haynes, Mike Hayden, and Bill Sweeney for their insightful comments and suggestions to make the book more readable and more accurate.
I served in the White House during one of the most historic events in our nation’s history—the September 11, 2001, attacks. I honor those members of the Bush administration on duty during this tragic period. In particular, I want to say thanks to those in the counsel’s office. You stood tall during challenging times, and I was fortunate to have you by my side. I consider you part of my family.
Lawyers who held the rank of special assistant to the president and/or attended morning staff meetings in the counsel’s office during my tenure at the White House include Christopher Bartolomucci, Bradford Berenson, John Bellinger III, Stuart Bowen, Rachel Brand, Reginald Brown, Jim Carroll, Robert Cobb, Grant Dixton, Charles Duggan, Courtney Elwood, Leslie Fahrenkopf Foley, Noel Francisco, Dabney Friedrich, Brett Kavanaugh, Jennifer Brosnahan McIntyre, Edward McNally, Thomas Monheim, Jennifer Newstead, Benjamin Powell, Nanette Rutka, D. Kyle Sampson, Theodore Ullyot, Helgi Walker, and Raul Yanes. (My apologies to anyone I may have inadvertently omitted.) I honor all of you for your service to our country.
Tim Flanigan and David Leitch, my two deputies, deserve special mention, as does David Addington, who was, at the time, Vice President Cheney’s counsel and whom I welcomed in my morning staff meetings. These remarkab
le men are brilliant and courageous, and they remain trusted colleagues and friends.
The White House legal team could not have properly served the president without the support of a terrific team of energetic, young lawyers, paralegals, assistants, and staff including Hana Brilliant, Elizabeth Bingold, Patrick BuMatay, Charlotte Montiel Davis, Michael Drummond, Tracy Lucas Eddy, Libby Camp Elliott, Laura Flippin, Jonanthan Ganter, Brent Greenfield, Jenny Kim, Heather Larrison, Lori Lorenzi, Ann Loughlin, Morgan Middlemas, Elizabeth Neumann, Colin Newman, Grant Nichols, Allison Riepenhoff Ratajczak, Emory Rounds, Carolyn Nelson Spurlock, Raquel Cabral Terry, Ansley Tillman, Jason Torchinksy, and Katie Crawford Yarger.
During my tenure as attorney general at the Department of Justice, there were many significant law enforcement achievements. I am grateful for the tireless work and dedication of the 105,000 DOJ employees who report to work every day to see that justice is done without regard to politics or personal agendas. In particular, I wish to honor my predecessor, John Ashcroft, and my successor, Michael Mukasey, for the courtesies they extended me and for their courage to step into the arena of public service. I also want to thank the three men who served as my deputy attorney general, James Comey, Paul McNulty, and Craig Morford. These men served during challenging times for the department, and I appreciate their courage and candid counsel. I also wish to thank the FBI special agents who were members of the attorney general’s protective detail and who watched over my family and me during my tenure in office.
I also wish to acknowledge Dr. Bob Fisher and Belmont University for supporting my family and me. Special thanks to Doyle and Barbara Rogers for their kindness and friendship.
I often say that George W. Bush gave me several once-in-a-lifetime opportunities that fundamentally changed the trajectory of my life. He took a chance on me, and I am grateful to him. President Bush has my deepest respect and affection.
Finally, I acknowledge the love and guidance of my mother, Maria, father, Pablo, and my brothers and sisters. My parents taught me love, courage, and the subtle balance between pride and humility. My brothers and sisters give me never-ending support and the comforting reminder of who I am and where I come from.
Through the highs and lows of my life, my wife, Rebecca, and our sons, Jared, Graham, and Gabriel, have been by my side. They are my love and inspiration and the reason I strive to be a better man and continue to work to make a difference in the lives of others. I wrote this book primarily for the boys to better understand the people and events that helped to form my values and shape my life.
NOTES
CHAPTER 1: THE 911 EXPERIENCE
1. Author’s interview with William James Haynes II, June 25, 2015.
CHAPTER 8: THE DEATH CASES
1. George W. Bush, A Charge to Keep (New York, NY: William Morrow and Company, 1999), 145.
CHAPTER 11: WEST WING POSSIBILITIES
1. Mimi Swartz, “The Outsider,” Texas Monthy, July 2010, accessed March 7, 2016, www.texasmonthly.com/politics/the-outsider/.
CHAPTER 12: WHITE HOUSE BOUND
1. www.highbeam.com/doc/91G1–68139760.html, accessed April 12, 2016. Also: George Kuempel, Dallas Morning News, December 18, 2000.
CHAPTER 14: THE CALM BEFORE THE STORM
1. Dick Cheney, In My Time (New York, NY: Threshhold Editions/Simon & Schuster, 2011), 292.
2. Donald Rumsfeld, Known and Unknown (New York, NY: Sentinal/The Penguin Group, 2011), 312.
3. Ibid., 314.
4. Condoleezza Rice, No Higher Honor (New York, NY: Crown Publishing Group /Random House Publishing, 2011), 48.
5. George Tenet, At the Center of the Storm (New York, NY: Harper/Perennial, 2008), 144.
6. Rice, 66.
7. Tenet, 150.
8. Karen Hughes, Ten Minutes from Normal (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2004), 230.
9. Vicente Fox, Revolution of Hope (New York, NY: Viking Penguin, 2007), 229.
10. Ibid., 230.
CHAPTER 15: THE NEW PRIORITY: DEFEATING TERRORISM
1. Hughes, 246–47.
2. Ibid., emphasis mine.
3. Tenet, 105.
4. Tenet, 178.
5. Ibid.
6. Rumsfeld, 359.
7. Authorization for Use of Military Force, Pub. L. No. 107-40, 115 Stat. 224 (2001).
8. Address to a Joint Session of Congress and to the American People, September 20, 2001, edition.cnn/2001/US/09/201 gen.bush.transcript/.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
CHAPTER 16: BATTLES ON THE HOME FRONT
1. Tommy Franks, American Soldier (New York, NY: HarperCollins, 2004), 284–85.
2. Ibid., 285.
3. Rumsfeld, 387.
4. Ibid.
5. New York Times, October 8, 2001, accessed April 12, 2016, www.nytimes.com/2001/10/08/news/08iht-text_ed3_0.html.
6. Bill Frist, A Heart to Serve (New York, NY: Center Street/Hachette Book Group, 2009), 214.
7. Ibid., 215.
8. George W. Bush, Decision Points (New York, NY: Crown Publishers/Random House, 2010), 153.
9. Ibid.
10. Rumsfeld, 559.
11. House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, visit to Guantanamo Bay, Second Report of Session 2006–07, 27, paragraph 85. The report concluded that the Geneva Prisoners of War provisions “lack clarity and are out of date.”
12. John Yoo, War by Other Means (New York, NY: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2006), 43. See also: Robert K. Goldman and Brian D. Tittemore, “Unprivileged Combatants and the Hostilities in Afghanistan: Their Status and Rights Under International Humanitarian and Human Rights Law,” The American Society of International Law Task Force on Terrorism, December 2002.
CHAPTER 17: THE ULTIMATE CLUB FED
1. Military Order of November 13, 2001—Detention, Treatment, and Trial of Certain Non-Citizens in the War Against Terrorism, 66 Fed. Reg. 57, 833 (November 16, 2001).
2. Rumsfeld, 566. See also: Karen J. Greenberg, The Least Worst Place: Guantanamo’s First 100 Days (Kindle edition), 119–53.
3. Memorandum from Patrick F. Philbin, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, and John C. Yoo, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, to William J. Haynes, General Counsel for the Department of Defense, December 28, 2001, accessed March 17, 2016, http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB127/01.12.28.pdf.
4. Yoo, 46.
CHAPTER 18: BRINGING TERRORISTS TO JUSTICE
1. Yoo, 217. See also: Jennifer K. Elsea, The Military Commissions Act of 2009: Overview and Legal Issues, 19–20.
2. Jack Goldsmith, The Terror Presidency (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007), 49–50.
3. Ibid., 50.
4. Memorandum from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Francis Biddle on June 30, 1942, as cited in David D. Danelski, The Saboteurs’ Case, 1 J.S. CT HIST. 61, 65 (1996).
5. Goldsmith, 49.
6. Military Order of November 13, 2001—Detention, Treatment, and Trial of Certain Non-Citizens in the War Against Terrorism, 66 Fed. Reg. 57, 833 (November 16, 2001).
7. Rice, 106.
CHAPTER 19: THE BRITISH REBELLION
1. Secretary Rumsfeld ultimately appointed two individuals with judicial experience and two former cabinet secretaries, including an attorney general, to serve on the review panel. These individuals could hardly be accused of being biased and closed-minded.
2. Yoo, 212.
3. Rumsfeld, 587.
4. Ironically, Congress later passed the Military Commissions Act, which included many of the provisions requested by Lord Goldsmith. In hindsight, I wished I had agreed with him and the United States would have been able to move forward with military commissions with the blessing of two of our nation’s strongest allies.
CHAPTER 20: INTERROGATIONS FOR INTELLIGENCE
1. Tenet, 241–42.
2. Ibid.
3. Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, December 10, 1984, S. Treaty Doc. No. 100-20 (1988), 1465
U.N.T.S. 85.
4. US Department of State Summary and Analysis of the Convention Against Torture, Senatorial Advice & Consent Function, Section 2, 295.
5. Ibid., 297.
6. Convention Against Torture: Hearing on S. Treaty Doc. No. 100–20 Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, January 30, 1990. Prepared statement of Abraham D. Sofaer, Legal Advisor, US State Department, 299.
7. Ibid., 300.
8. County of Sacramento v. Lewis, 523 US 833 (1998).
9. Senator John McCain, an American hero whom I respect greatly, would later insist that waterboarding was torture.
10. Memorandum for John Rizzo, Acting General Counsel of the Central Intelligence Agency, August 1, 2002, US Department of Justice, Office of Legal Counsel, Office of the Assistant Attorney General, Washington, DC, 1–2.
11. A military officer was convicted for ordering waterboarding during the Spanish-American War, but in that case, there were none of the precautions and safeguards required by the OLC opinion, nor did the US anti-torture statute exist at that time.
12. Scott Shane and David Johnston, “U.S. Lawyers Agreed on the Legality of Brutal Tactic,” New York Times, June 7, 2009, accessed June 1, 2016, http:// www.nytimes.con/2009/06/07/us/politics/o7/lawyers.html?_r=l&ref=global -home&pagewanted=print.
13. Cheney, 359.
14. Rumsfeld, 578.
15. Ibid., 553.
16. Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, DOJ Oversight: Terrorism and Other Topics, June 8, 2004, Serial No. J-108-79, United States Government Publishing Office, accessed March 7, 2016, www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-108shrg98625/html/CHRG-108shrg98625.htm.
CHAPTER 21: RACE TO THE COURTHOUSE
1. “Gonzales’s Racial Quota Test,” Wall Street Journal editorial, January, 2, 2003, accessed March 4, 2016, www.wsj.com/articles/SB1041471152811279993/.
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