Inquisition

8 This slave almost certainly hailed from the Gold Coast.

  9 Gracia Boix (1982) 31–77.

  10 Ibid. 100–1.

  11 Ibid. 101.

  12 See for example Ackroyd (1998: 387) on the initial death sentence handed down to Thomas More in 1535.

  13 Vainfas (1989) 191–2; Blázquez Miguel (1990) 79; Ceballos Gómez (1994) 121; Rawlings (2006) 2.

  14 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folios 37v–39v.

  15 Ibid. Libro 938 folios 9v–22r.

  16 Ibid. Legajo 2105, Expediente 26.

  17 Carrasco (1983) 181.

  18 Ibid. 182 n.38.

  19 Ibid. 184.

  20 Mott (1988) 79–81 comprehensively overturns Vainfas’s (1989: 247) view that torture was not used in Portugal against crimes such as sodomy. Vainfas is one of those who holds that inquisitorial torture was not as bad as is sometimes thought.

  21 Pulgar (1943) Vol. 1, 440.

  22 Caro Baroja (1968) 38.

  23 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 98 n. 15.

  24 Barrios (1991) 36.

  25 Monterroso y Alvarado (1571) folio 52r.

  26 Vassberg (1996) 81.

  27 Tomás y Valiente (1980) 53; (1994) 91.

  28 Barrios (1991) 36.

  29 See Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 1–30 on the general use of torture; many of the Latin American trials reveal this fact, for example AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 15.

  30 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 426–7.

  31 Toro (1944) Vol.1, 281, 285.

  32 Fernández-Armesto (1982) 182–3.

  33 Rumeu de Armas (1956) 141–2.

  34 Wolf (ed. and trans.) (1926); Millares Torres (1981).

  35 Alberti and Chapman (eds) (1912) 88: ‘ser lutherano [el testigo] entiende es no oyr misa y hurtar’.

  36 Ibid. 120: ‘la yglesia de ynglaterra no es yglesia sino sinagoga del demonio’.

  37 Ibid. 84.

  38 Ibid. 84–5.

  39 Ibid. 87.

  40 Ibid. 84–101.

  41 Something that is particularly apparent in the cases of moriscos in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. See for example AHN, Libro 936, folios 182r–184r, on Valencia in 1578–9.

  42 Rêgo (ed.) (1971) 90.

  43 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 223, folios 99r–v.

  44 Ibid. folio 99v.

  45 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1020, folio 514r.

  46 Ibid. Legajo 1647, Expediente 13, folios 134r–v.

  47 IAN/TT, Inquisição d’Évora, Livro 91, folios 197r–199r.

  48 Eymeric (1972) 15.

  49 Ibid. 23–4.

  50 Ibid. 25.

  51 Ibid. 63.

  52 Sabatini (1928) 140–2; see also IT.

  53 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 11, folios 54r–56v, 72r, 74r.

  54 Ibid. Legajo 1620, Expediente 18, folios 33r–33v.

  55 Ibid. Legajo 1620, Expediente 15, folios 105r–v.

  56 Pinta Llorente (1961) 72.

  57 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 506.

  58 Ibid. Vol. 8, 507.

  59 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 2, folio 3r.

  60 See also Dedieu (1989) 142–3.

  61 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 506–7.

  62 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1647, Expediente 11, no. 4.

  63 Thus Fernando de Rojas, the converso author of La Celestina, had acted as a lawyer in inquisitorial cases. See also Kamen (1997) 194.

  64 Gracia Boix (1982) 201–2; the instrucciones of Torquemada (1484) make it clear that this payment depends on their financial capacity (IT: folios 6r–v).

  65 Kamen (1997) 201–2.

  66 Rêgo (1983) 117–118; Rêgo (1971) 126–7; the Portuguese case dealt more generally with ‘deaths’ in jail, but in the text stressed that in many cases this was death by suicide.

  67 Cited in Souza (1987) 327; such evidence does not entirely bear out Lea’s assertion (1906–7: Vol. 2, 509) that inquisitorial jails were better than their civil counterparts.

  68 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 218, folios 27r–28r.

  69 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 317.

  70 Fonseca (1612) 126.

  71 Dellon (1698) 5.

  72 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 80, 429–32.

  73 Eymeric (1972) 18.

  74 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 15.

  75 Thus 22.9 per cent of those accused of Judaizing and and 12.8 per cent of those accused of Lutheranism between 1621 and 1700 in Toledo were tortured (Dedieu (1989: 79)).

  76 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 171–9.

  77 Böhm (1984) 291.

  78 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 299–307.

  Four – ESCAPE

  1 Ships left Lisbon for Cape Verde in February, according to the anonymous pilot (Anonymous (1551/2?).

  2 Toro (1932) 280–1. The same can be gleaned from the account of his life given to the inquisitors in Mexico in 1589.

  3 MMA, II, 441.

  4 The view of the sailors who informed Valentim Fernandes c. 1506 – see Mauny et al. (eds.) (1951) 110.

  5 Carletti (1965) 67.

  6 Anonymous (1551/2?) 89. Most of the ships came from Seville or from the newly discovered lands in America, and the first consignment of slaves to go directly from Africa to the New World had left from this harbour in around 1514; the first legal consignment was taken by Lorenzo de Garrevod in 1517 (Correia Lopes (1944: 4)); however, slaves had in fact been leaving routinely from at least 1514 as part of contraband (Hall (1992) Vol. 2, 428).

  7 Toro (1932) 280. The family also had connections in Benavente – it was here that Luis’s sister Francisca would marry and raise her family.

  8 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Proceso 8779, folio 66v.

  9 Toro (1932) 281.

  10 Saunders (1982) 55.

  11 Ibid. 17.

  12 Vogt (1973) 1.

  13 The account of Hieronymus Münzer (1494) – García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 354.

  14 Vogt (1973) 10.

  15 Ibid.

  16 Ibid. 12.

  17 Saunders (1982) 76.

  18 Ibid. 75–7.

  19 Ibid. 52.

  20 Toro (1932) 280–1; evidence of Luis de Carvajal’s work in Cape Verde is also found in HGCV: II, 522.

  21 Hall (1992) Vol. 1, 143–6.

  22 Vogt (1973) 10.

  23 Baião (1921) 202.

  24 A vast literature exists mooting the possibility that Columbus himself was a converso. Supporters of the theory argue that Columbus used Hebrew letters as a monogram at the top of private correspondence; moreover, Columbus’s contacts in Palos near Seville included several converso families, members of which were subsequently tried by the Inquisition. See David (1933) 66; Gil (2000: Vol. 1, 181); Gil cites the Pintos of Palos as contacts of Columbus, and that on departing Seville in 1492 he left his son Diego in the hands of Juan Rodríguez Cabezudo, later reconciled by the Inquisition; Cohen (2000: 39–40) summarizes the arguments for the converso theory.

  25 Wittmayer Baron (1969) Vol. 13, 134.

  26 Liebman (1970) 47.

  27 Liebman (1971) 475; (1970) 48.

  28 Baião (1945) 17–23.

  29 Fernández del Castillo (1982) 584.

  30 Böhm (1963) 13.

  31 Salvador (1978) 126–7. This was largely because of the absence of any other literate Portuguese. There are some excellent instances in this reference – for example, the notary of the council in São Paulo for years was Fructuoso da Costa, who had been exiled to Brazil because of his faith.

  32 The Aboabs had been among the most important Sephardic families, with one – Isaac – a gaon or supreme guardian of the Law just prior to the expulsion from Spain in 1492 (Azevedo (1922: 20)).

  33 Salvador (1969) 15; Samuel (2004) 69–79.

  34 Salvador (1978) 130–4.

  35 Todorov (1982) 146.

  36 This is an echo of Davis’s (1994: 16) point that the Jewish (as opposed to converso) communities of the Caribbean found the thr
eshold of their emancipation in a region of slave labour. For a fuller discussion of this process of transference see Green (2007: Part I, Chapter 5).

  37 The major works on the early modern history of Cape Verde are the HGCV, Correia e Silva (1995), Green (2007) and Hall (1992).

  38 Anonymous (1551/2?) 85.

  39 Ventura (1999) 121–33.

  40 Carletti (1965) 7.

  41 Saunders (1982) 14.

  42 Carletti (1965) 7: ‘Their Portuguese men love these black women more than their own Portuguese women, holding it as a certain and proved fact that to have commerce with them is much less harmful and also a much greater pleasure, they being said to have fresher and healthier natures.’

  43 Ibid.

  44 Ibid. 8.

  45 AGI, Escribanía 119A, 15r–17r – a letter from Cape Verde of 12 May 1574 detailing this process for one of Duarte de Leão’s later factors.

  46 Carletti (1965) 14–15.

  47 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Maço 25, no. 233.

  48 One such was Antonio Duarte; Duarte lived in Buguendo with Jorge. Ibid. folios 24v, 38v.

  49 Baleno (1991) 169.

  50 Ibid.

  51 Teixeira da Mota (1978) 8.

  52 Révah (1971) 504.

  53 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 840, Folio 8r.

  54 Silva (2004) 164.

  55 These are the figures of 1582 from Francisco de Andrade, MMA, Vol. 3, 100.

  56 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 214, folio 13r.

  57 ASV, Secretaria di Stato di Portogallo, 174v–175r.

  58 Toro (1932) 21.

  59 Jiménez Rueda (1946) 5–7.

  60 Toro (1932) 108.

  61 Jiménez Rueda (1946) 9.

  62 Russell-Wood (1978) 33–4.

  63 Havik (2004a) 104.

  64 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Maço 25, no. 233, folio 4r.

  65 Ibid. 4v.

  66 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora. Livro 91, folio 41r.

  67 Sweet (2003) 53–4; Mott (1988) 32.

  68 Sweet (2003) 70–5.

  69 Ibid. 73.

  70 Fernández (2003) 82; this is borne out by the punishments meted out to both active and passive partners throughout the institution’s history, but see Mott (1988: 111) who says that the active partner was condemned and Sweet (2003: 73) who holds that passive partners are assumed to be the criminal agent.

  71 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 114r.

  72 Baião (1945) Vol. 2, 489.

  73 Cited in Caro Baroja (1968) 34–5.

  74 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Maço 25, no. 233, folio 4v.

  75 Ibid. 24r–v.

  76 Ibid. 42r.

  77 Ibid. 42v–43r.

  78 Ibid. 38v.

  79 Ibid. 2r.

  80 HGCV: II, 522.

  81 Toro (1932) 281.

  82 Camões (1973) 5.

  83 Conway (ed.) (1927) 7–8.

  84 Léry (1975) 19.

  85 Ibid. 32–3.

  86 Delumeau (1978) 39.

  87 Green (2007), Part I, Chapter 4.

  88 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 26.

  89 ENE, Vol. 10, 286.

  90 Cohen (1995) 442–3.

  91 Osorio Osorio (1980) 55.

  92 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 265, Inquisición de Toledo, Expediente 2.

  93 AGI, Contratación 5539, Libro 5, 218v; the proof of limpieza of Luis Fernández Suárez from 12 April 1634, a nephew of the converso Antonio Nuñez Gramaxo, one of the leading traders of Cartagena.

  94 Lea (1906–7) Vol. 2, 308.

  95 BA, Códice 49–X-2, folios 243r–245r; AGI, Justicia 518, no.1, Autos Fiscales; BA, Códice 49–X-2, folio 244r; AGI, Escribanía 119A, ‘Los herederos de Duarte de León y Antonio Goncalez de Guzman con el fiscal de su Magd sobre pieças de esclavos’.

  96 Toro (1932) 281.

  97 Ibid. 281.

  98 Hakluyt (1600) 549.

  99 Ibid. 18.

  100 Ibid. 541.

  101 Conway (1927) 10.

  102 Ibid.

  103 Thomas (1997) 157.

  104 Hakluyt (1600) 558; Hawkins (1569) 3v–3r.

  105 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 414, 417.

  106 Hawkins (1569) 5v–6v.

  107 Hawkins (1569) 11v–15r; Hakluyt (1600) 560–2.

  108 Hawkins (1569) 15v; Hakluyt (1600) 562–3

  109 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 419–20; Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 33.

  110 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 35.

  111 Toro (1932) 47–9.

  Five – THE ENEMY WITHIN

  1 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 367.

  2 Ruiz de Pablos (ed.) (1997) 302. This account came from the escaped Lutheran from Seville known as González Montes. Though its veracity has repeatedly been questioned by historians, the editor of this recent published version takes issue with the critics to argue that although there are exaggerations in the account, much of it is undoubtedly true (Ibid. 88–103).

  3 García Mercadal (1999) (ed.) Vol. 1, 316–17.

  4 Ibid. Vol. 1, 320–1.

  5 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 32; the evidence for the case against Costa consists of an unnumbered copy of the original file appended to an inquiry concerning limpieza de sangre dated 1713. The remainder of the information concerning the case in this chapter is derived from this file.

  6 See Vassberg (1996: 19) for some extraordinary examples of this.

  7 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 188–9.

  8 It should be noted that this case of Costa adds to the knowledge of trials and relajamientos of Lutherans in these very early years. The notion that there was a slow drip of persecution directed at Lutherans prior to the great trials of Valladolid and Seville should therefore perhaps be somewhat revised (Tellechea Idigoras (1977: 26–8)).

  9 Contreras (1987) 48.

  10 Meseguer Fernández (1984) 350–6; Arzona (1980).

  11 One of the best discussions of Cisneros’s career and influence remains Bataillon (1937) 1–64.

  12 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 78.

  13 See for example Lea (2001) 109.

  14 Bataillon (1937) 63–4.

  15 During the comunero revolts of the Castilian cities 1520–1, for instance, a strong anti-inquisitorial flavour could be found; Contreras (1987) 48.

  16 Hamilton (1992) 28–36; derived from the Edict of Grace issued in Toledo on 23 September 1525 and published by Márquez (1972) 272–82. This is a summary of the many charges laid at the door of the alumbrados.

  17 Nieto (1970) 60 n.42.

  18 Ibid.; Hamilton (1992) 26.

  19 Ibid.; Márquez (1972) 62.

  20 Hamilton (1992) 51–3.

  21 Ibid. 56–61.

  22 Ortega-Costa (1978) 31: ‘que estando ella en el acto carnal con su marido estava más allegada a Dios que si estuviese en la más alta oraçión del mundo’.

  23 Llorca (1980) 273–4; Medrano was clearly sexually obsessed by Hernández, since among his personal beliefs were that a belt which she had given him was as holy as if a bishop had sent it, that she was the beneficiary of infinite grace, and that – fortuitously – it was ‘impossible’ for her to commit a carnal sin (ibid. 274).

  24 Ibid. 69–77; Nieto (1970) 80–3.

  25 Márquez (1972) 67.

  26 Selke (1980) 622–3; Márquez (1972) 62.

  27 Hamilton (1992) 53, 70–1.

  28 Ibid. 63, 71–5.

  29 Ibid. 2.

  30 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 98.

  31 Hamilton (1992) 77–9.

  32 Escandell Bonet (1984c) 436–7.

  33 Bataillon (1937) 167.

  34 Ibid. 254.

  35 Ibid. 467.

  36 Avilés Fernández (1984) 467ff

  37 Kinder (1997) 63.

  38 Bataillon (1937) 473–526.

  39 Kinder (1997) 63–8.

  40 Alcalá Galve (1984) 793.

  41 On inquisitorial interest in Teresa of Ávila see Llamas Martínez (1972); on her converso background see Caro Baroja (1970: 33–5) and Révah (1
959: 38). The original inquisitorial trial of Luis de León is published in CDIHE, Vols 10 and 11 (1–358), where his converso lineage is cited Vol. 10: 146–63; Sicroff (1985: 16–19) saw the Jewish ancestry of León as an important factor in the trial, though this is put into question by Marquez (1980: 101–13). While León clearly was a good Christian, his interest in the Old Testament and in Hebraic studies does point to a certain attachment to the faith of his ancestors.

  42 Márquez (1972) 68; Selke (1980) 626.

  43 This and all the accusations against Dr Sánchez are in AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2023, Expediente 23.

  44 Ibid. Expediente 10; Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 226.

  45 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2023, Expediente 22.

  46 For this and all the list of accusations made against Salazar noted here ibid. Expediente 25.

  47 Ibid. Expediente 9.

  48 This detail and the rest of the material in this paragraph comes from AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2012, Expediente 6.

  49 Blázquez Miguel (1985) 25 n.8.

  50 This detail and the rest of the material in the next two paragraphs comes from AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2023, Expediente 29.

  51 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 1.

  52 Ibid. Legajo 2022, Expediente 2.

  53 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 235–6; once again, this shows the difficulty of arriving at concrete figures, as Monter (1990: 43) puts the number burnt between 1558–1568 at 100. Both accounts, however, cast doubt on Kamen’s (1997: 97) assertion that this was ‘a local phenomenon of passing importance’.

  54 Lea (2001) 135–6.

  55 Fonseca (1612) 11.

  56 García-Arenal (1996) 107.

  57 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folio 21r.

  58 García-Arenal (1996) 107–8.

  59 Lea (2001) 136–49; Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 24.

  60 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folio 21r.

  61 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 26.

  62 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 60.

  63 Ibid.

  64 Lea (2001) 167 n.23.

  65 Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (1983) 128, 139.

  66 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 217–218.

  67 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 28–9.

  68 Fernández Alvarez (ed.) (1971–83) Vol. 4, 75.

  69 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 223, 280.

  70 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 397–8.

  71 Ibid. 425.

  72 Salazar de Miranda (1788) 27–9; Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 19–20.

  73 Ibid. 5, 20.

  74 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 398.

  75 Salazar de Miranda (1788) 30.

  76 Ibid. 192–6.