Someone Wishes to Speak to You

by Jeremy Mallinson

  It had been as a result of the depth of such a degree of empathy that had developed between them that they had become so relaxed and uninhibited in each other’s company and were thereby able to speak freely about their respective values in life, and their varied aspirations. But in spite of Mathew having developed such a deep level of understanding and respect for Addie, he was unable to tell her anything about his current infatuation with Jan Bushney. Although during his stay in Inyanga he had experienced so much to distract him from his thoughts, he was unable to escape from the fact that he yearned for her. As a consequence, he decided that the only way he would be able to put an end to his mind becoming increasingly preoccupied would be to arrange another meeting with her at the earliest opportunity. He wanted to tell her exactly how strong his feelings were and to find out, no matter how counter-productive it might turn out to be, whether it was reciprocated.

  When, two days later, it was time for Mathew to leave the Kinloch’s home, he knew that he would miss them hugely on his return to a more solitary existence at his Castle Beacon camp. He had thoroughly enjoyed their company.

  On Mathew’s final night, they had a most enjoyable braai under a large oak tree on the front lawn of the homestead. The smell of roasted pork, the smoke of the fire and the celebratory atmosphere reminded Mathew vividly of the gathering in the grounds of the Victoria Museum on the evening he had met Jan. He remembered how he had been so instinctively attracted to her. During the night he dreamt about being alone with Jan, on safari in the wilderness of Rhodesia’s pristine bushveld. While they relaxed in each other’s arms by the side of a smoldering camp fire, having just consummated their love for one another under a sky studded with the brightest of celestial stars, the dream had abruptly come to a horrific end. A rifle shot had rung out and Jan’s body, splattered with blood, had become limp in his embrace. At the same time, he caught a glimpse of a man in military fatigues disappearing into the night.

  7

  Spirit of Rhodesia

  By January 1976, Umtali had become almost like a garrisoned township, with the presence of uniformed troops and military vehicles being a common occurrence. Mathew noticed how the previously carefree atmosphere of the city had become quite tense. The majority of civilians had become tight-lipped, reluctant to talk about the ramifications of the increased insurgency, although most knew only too well what the situation was.

  Although he had observed the changes in Umtali life, Mathew was so taken up with his field studies that it had made little impact on him. He hadn’t considered the relevance of the small groups of Africans that he had started to encounter on the mountain forest paths near his Castle Beacon camp. He had failed to note the significance of the number of unfamiliar African faces he had seen when visiting Edgar and Josiah’s village to learn more about their Manyika language, folklore, and tribal traditions.

  In early February, much to Mathew’s surprise, he received a long letter from Lucienne posted from Washington DC to tell him that she had recently married Daniel Olingo, and that she was now expecting their first child. She went on to provide Mathew with a brief biography of her new husband which she had marked, ‘Strictly confidential and for your eyes only’. Daniel had initially graduated from the University of Chicago’s Department of Mathematics with a Master of Science degree in Financial Mathematics. Soon after his graduation, he joined the US Foreign Service and was posted to the African Section of the State Department in Washington, known fondly by its officers as ‘Foggy Bottom’.

  In December 1973, Daniel was approached by a talent spotter for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to see whether he would be interested in carrying out intelligence work. This approach had resulted from a First Secretary at the State Department informing a colleague how Daniel ticked two boxes on the list of the agency’s requirements; as a mathematician that could be involved in code breaking, as well as a competent linguist. After a successful interview, Daniel embarked on a course at Langley, which resulted in him becoming a fully fledged CIA operative. She continued:

  This information about Daniel is in the strictest confidence, but as you are the first man I ever loved, I thought it was important that you should know all about the man I have married.

  In order to move to Washington, I had to give up the degree course at Emory – although I stayed in Atlanta until I’d finished the literary research contract with Osman Hill. You will be relieved to hear that one of my friends from Yerkes said that the professor was very pleased with the quality of my work – he and Yvonne invited me to their house for a farewell dinner to wish me well for the future. They have both been very good to me.

  So, within six months of my move to Washington, I got married to Daniel at St Mary’s Roman Catholic Church in Chevy Chase, Maryland. After we returned from honeymoon on the Pacific Coast of Costa Rica, Daniel went back to his job in the African Section.

  I just wanted you to know that I am very happy with Daniel and with my new life in Washington. I hope everything is going the way you planned in Rhodesia – I haven’t received a letter from you since I left Atlanta, so do please write, even if just to let me know how your primate research work is going. It’s a subject I will never tire of hearing about!

  Keep in touch.

  Love as always,

  Lucienne

  P.S. If you find time to reply, which I very much hope you will, it would be best if you mailed it to my previous Atlanta address. For the time being, I’m using that for all my personal correspondence, especially from family and friends in Zaire. My former landlady has very kindly agreed to forward packages of registered mail to me in Washington. Write soon!

  Although Mathew was pleased to hear that Lucienne was now settled into an obviously happy matrimonial life, he became slightly emotionally disturbed in being reminded about their many months of happiness together, in Africa and America. Her letter had brought to the fore his longstanding concern that he let her down badly by not marrying her when she became pregnant, and then persuaded her to undergo the awful experience of going to San Diego to have an abortion. It was a scar that he was certain he would always have to bear on his conscience.

  During one of Jim Prior’s visits to Castle Beacon, Mathew was interested to hear about the activities of the European and African civilians who belonged to the Psychological Operations Unit (PSYOP), which worked in conjunction with the military’s Psychological Action Group (PSYAC).

  ‘You know, the main objective of the Rhodesian Ministry of Information booklet Red for Danger, which was dispatched in its thousands to many different countries, was to highlight that the ZANU and ZAPU political parties were just cover organisations for Communist expansion in Africa,’ explained Jim. ‘It recorded that Robert Mugabe received support for terrorist activities against white-owned farms in Rhodesia from China and North Korea, whereas Joshua Nkomo received most of his support from Russia. The booklet stressed that as the Western countries were actively pursuing a policy of attainment, it was important that neither ZANU nor ZAPU should elicit support from the West.’

  ‘I haven’t come across it,’ said Mathew, ‘but David Montgomery, the director of the botanical gardens, showed me the Ministry’s Anatomy of Terror booklet – quite horrific.’

  ‘The chief aim of Anatomy of Terror was to summarise the crimes perpetuated by “Communist-trained thugs” and to record a chronology of the brutal attacks already committed against black Rhodesians from December 1972 to May 1974. As the Bush War has progressed and the government’s control of insurgency operations has diminished, the 1st PSYOP of the Rhodesian forces has recently implemented Operation Split-Shot – basically the distribution of leaflets to promote fear among the black population. They have graphic images of ZANLA/ZIPRA recruiters forcing Africans into training camps, raping women in front of their children, spreading sexually transmitted diseases and killing defenceless civilians who fail to cooperate with them. The leaflets are telling them that all their worst fears will come to pass if the insur
gents get a foothold.’

  For these reasons, both the Provincial and District Commissioner’s headquarters in Umtali were busy setting up protected villages in the TTLs and distributing brightly coloured stickers to be posted in shops, restaurants, bars and bus terminals, which contained a series of self-censorship slogans including: ‘Think About National Security, Don’t Talk About it’; ‘What You’ve Said May Blow Up a Truck’; and ‘Your Tongue Could Pull a Trigger’.

  Jim showed Mathew one of the Ministry’s most recently released pamphlets designed to highlight the strength of the Rhodesian security forces and the significant benefits for people living in the protected villages. As its main thrust, it underlined how many thousands of grateful Africans had taken refuge in the newly created defended villages, or lived in communities protected by security forces and the paramilitary wing of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The leaflet also stated that although the terrorists were well-armed with modern automatic rifles, machine guns of communist manufacture, explosives, grenades and powerful bazookas, they were scared to come into direct contact with the security forces. Instead, they were pursuing ‘soft targets’ on which to inflict their mayhem.

  ‘One of my civilian friends, a successful businessman whom I met in Salisbury,’ said Jim, ‘is currently serving as a territorial PSYOP operative in the Fort Victoria Shangaan area of Southern Rhodesia. While he’s undertaking military duties, which take up almost six months of the year, he dresses as a civilian and works directly with Africans of the Shinga tribe. During his operations in the bundu (bush), usually working with a mixture of African army regulars and civilians, they visit tribal chiefs in order to paint as damaging a political picture of Robert Mugabe as possible. The PYSOP operatives try to convince the quite independent Shinga tribespeople that ZANU is no friend of theirs and stress just how counter-productive it would be if they were to support Mugabe and his political party in the future. During these propaganda missions, they always highlight that the main aim of the Rhodesia Front’s government is to seek the most satisfactory solution possible for the future of all citizens of the country, both black and white.’

  ‘Does your friend seem to think the missions are working?’ asked Mathew. ‘You said yourself the Shinga tribespeople are independent.’

  ‘He’s optimistic, but that’s not their only objective. These field missions are also an attempt to assess the mood, hearts and minds of the tribal communities, as well as to glean as much information as possible about the sentiments and political views of the chiefs they talk to. Once they return to Salisbury, my friend says they report back to the military command operations in order to amongst other matters guide the security forces on any counter-insurgency measures that they consider may be required.’

  Mathew had been so preoccupied with his studies that he had been unaware of much that Jim was explaining to him. He was at the beginning of a very steep learning curve.

  Whenever Mathew had driven to the Kinlochs’ property or to Salisbury, he always took time to stop at the top of Christmas Pass and pay his respects to the Kingsley Fairbridge Memorial, with its magnificent view over the vale of Umtali. The statue of Fairbridge had been unveiled by Queen Elizabeth, the Queen Mother, in July 1953 in honour of the man who had done so much at the beginning of the century to establish the Child Immigration Society (which was later to bear his name), to help orphaned and underprivileged children from the overcrowded slums of Britain. Over the years, the society had provided training at farm schools for several thousand children who had emigrated to under-populated regions of what was then the British Empire, which included Southern Rhodesia and, to a greater degree, Australia.

  With Mathew’s very liberal views on life, he could not help admiring how much this South African-born Rhodesian boy, and Oxford Rhodes Scholar, had helped to give a meaningful life to so many children who had, over the past half century, contributed so much to the quality, diversity and development of parts of the British Commonwealth.

  In the spring of 1976, Mathew spent a weekend staying with Sir Roger Willock and his delightful, vivacious wife, Devra, whose company he always relished. On the Saturday afternoon, Devra had left the men to their own devices while she visited a friend. The civilized beauty of Sir Roger’s flower-filled garden contrasted with the subject that dominated their conversation.

  ‘It seems to me,’ said Mathew, ‘that since Mozambique’s recent independence, the relationship between the European and African populations has deteriorated greatly. The effect the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army insurgency is having on the morale of the European inhabitants of Umtali and the Manyika tribespeople is incredibly damaging, and getting worse all the time. Chief Chidzikwee seems utterly despondent.’

  ‘As you’re relatively new to Rhodesia, let me give you some background information about the events that led up to the UDI,’ said Sir Roger. ‘You may be surprised; it’s not so clear cut as you may imagine. It began when Sir Roy Welensky dissolved the Federal Parliament in the summer of 1962, which led to the break-up of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The liberally minded Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, Sir Edgar Whitehead, lost the general election to the newly formed Rhodesian Front party led by Winston Field, with Ian Smith as his deputy. Indeed, when Whitehead lost, Harold Macmillan made a point of saying how “deeply grieved” he felt about the defeat, as Whitehead “had represented, to the best of his power, the more moderate leader of the European politicians, with a tradition of mediation and even of liberalism”. When Harold Wilson led the Labour Party to victory in 1964, he was eager that an amicable settlement should be reached in Southern Rhodesia that would represent a satisfactory solution for both the European and African communities. When Ian Smith took over the leadership of the RF party and became Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, he was charged by the party to secure the country’s independence and to restore order in the African townships. But, at the same time, Harold Wilson made it quite clear to Smith that independence without majority rule was non-negotiable.

  ‘After Nyasaland gained its independence from Britain and became Malawi, Dr Hastings Banda became the country’s first president; and when Northern Rhodesia gained its independence from Britain in October of the same year and became Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda became the first president. Whereas the Southern Rhodesians were warned that should its RF Government declare UDI, to expect international sanctions, abandonment, citizenship-stripping, non-recognition and expulsion from the Commonwealth. During the months leading up to the UDI, Harold Wilson was reported to have bent quite far in his attempt to reach a compromise with the man he called “the slippery Ian Smith” and, by doing so, had even risked the resignation of Shirley Williams, Edmond Dell and others from his Cabinet.

  ‘But when UDI was declared on 11 November 1965 and Governor Humphrey Gibbs went through the motions of dismissing Smith and his Cabinet, which were predictably ignored, Wilson immediately recalled Britain’s High Commissioner to Southern Rhodesia, John Baines Johnston; and Rhodesia’s High Commissioner, Brigadier Andrew Skeen, was declared persona non grata and asked to leave Britain. It was also said that six Rhodesians who had been undergoing training at the RMA at the time were given the choice of remaining at Sandhurst and joining the British Army, or to return immediately to Rhodesia, which apparently they all did.

  ‘The day after UDI, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 216 condemning it as a declaration of independence “made by a racist minority”. Although, as far as Ian Smith’s RF Government was concerned, as more than ninety per cent of the Rhodesian white electorate had supported UDI, and at the same time were prepared to take up arms in order to secure the country’s independence and to combat any interference from the outside, it would lead to the best future for both the European and African communities. The government also hoped that UDI would provide them with sufficient time to work towards a peaceful solution to the current stalemate between the two communities. In fact, the government declared that it woul
d always be its ultimate goal to establish a multi-racial state, which would be of benefit to the African majority as well as to the European minority. But Ian Smith also made it quite clear to the outside world that he would not be rushed headlong into agreeing to majority rule, before his government had decided that the country was politically ready for such a democratically realised settlement.’

  Sir Roger paused. ‘You may not think this is all relevant to today’s situation, but I want you to understand the background to this potential political volcano we’re sitting on today. I know your reasons for coming to Rhodesia are apolitical, but I want to give you the facts so you can develop your own informed opinion.’

  ‘I’m surprised to hear that the government declared it their goal to make Rhodesia a multi-racial state,’ said Mathew, ‘that must at least give us some hope that they are considering the whole population in their decision-making. But let me be the first to admit that my knowledge of the detail is limited, so please go on.’