depopulated during the first half of the Old Kingdom, the Nubians arriving to trade at Elephantine and Buhen must have travelled from Upper Nubia, though little is known about them.
During this early phase of Egyptian history, either in the 2nd or 3rd
Dynasty, a man died at Shellal, just south of Elephantine. He was buried there, holding two copper objects and wearing an elaborate gold necklace, with bracelets on one wrist, and each arm adorned with a v-shaped ivory armlet. We cannot be certain who this man was in life, but due to his elaborate grave goods – quite unlike those of the local Egyptians – he might have been a high status Upper Nubian trade envoy. On the other hand, he might have been an Upper Nubian ruler, who died during a trip to Egypt. A scene from the 5th Dynasty pyramid complex of King Sahure shows prisoners
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tied together, all except one man, who raises his arms in praise of the king; his arms are adorned with the same style of v-shaped armlet that the man buried at Shellal wore. Within the same complex, there’s also a scene of foreign rulers being trampled by the king in the form of a griffin; here, the Nubian ruler again wears the same form of v-shaped armlet. Egyptologist David O’Connor has argued that because Lower Nubia was deserted at this time, the ruler depicted was probably from Upper Nubia. Similarly, a stele from Helwan, probably of 2nd or 3rd Dynasty date, shows a man named
Sisi seated wearing armlets and with twisted locks of hair, both thought to be Nubian in style. Again, given that Lower Nubia was empty, he is perhaps another example of an Upper Nubian living in Egypt.
Other interactions between the Egyptians and Nubians were less friendly.
King Sneferu, first ruler of the 4th Dynasty, brought 7,000 Nubians to
Egypt in the 12th year of his reign, along with 200,000 cattle; we must pre-sume that these individuals were brought from a campaign in Upper Nubia, and used as soldiers or slaves. Their descendants continued to work for the Egyptian State for generations. The Palermo Stone, for example, bearing annals of royal activity, mentions that in the 3rd year of King Userkaf ’s reign, 303 ‘acculturated’ or ‘pacified’ ones – perhaps Nubians who had been living in Egypt for some time – and seventy female foreigners were brought to work at the royal pyramid. A heavily broken, but very similar, text from the reign of King Pepi I also seems to mention ‘pacified’ or ‘acculturated’
Nubians being sent to work on a royal project.
A decree at Dahshur, carved in stone during the reign of King Pepi I, says that ‘acculturated’ or ‘pacified’ Nubians were forbidden from taking people in active temple service away from the pyramid towns at Dahshur, or from requisitioning goods for state projects; this shows that outside of Dahshur, Nubians – perhaps the descendants of prisoners taken during Sneferu’s
raids – levied men for projects. Despite their family origins as prisoners, they now enforced the will of the Egyptian state. This isn’t surprising, for the majority of Nubians in Egypt, famous for their skills as warriors, now fought for the Egyptians during campaigns as mercenaries. Nevertheless, not all Nubians became fighters: at Giza, inscriptions within 5th Dynasty tombs mention Nubian servants and a Nubian treasurer.
The Rise of the C-Group
In 2300 BCE, a new culture entered Lower Nubia, roughly at the same time that the Egyptians abandoned their settlement at Buhen; these are known as War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 21
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the C-Group (a culture identified as the B-Group turned out to be a mis-reading of the archaeological evidence by scholars). Whether the Egyptians left Buhen because of the arrival of the C-Group, or if the C-Group moved into the area because the Egyptians left, we cannot be sure. What is clear is that this new Nubian group repopulated the area between the First and Second Cataracts of the Nile, and remained there until around 1500 BCE.
Although they had no written language, the C-Group used a great deal of cattle symbolism in their art, and are best known today because of their distinctive burials: their tombs had circular superstructures, made from stone (sometimes with an offering chapel at the side). Within, the deceased was buried in a flexed position, along with pottery and jewellery. During this same period, further south in Upper Nubia, the Kerma Culture was also
developing (but we shall return to them in Chapter Five).
At about this time in the late Old Kingdom, references to specific Lower Nubian regions appear in Egyptian texts, as if the C-Group had founded a series of chiefdoms along the Nile. The main divisions in Lower Nubia were Wawat, Irtjet, and Setju, while somewhere further south was Yam (see below).
Execration texts from this period – magical inscriptions intended to neutralize Egypt’s enemies – mention even more Nubian locations, adding to the list: Kaau, Yankh, Masit(?), Medja (the land of the Medjay-Nubians), and Meterti.
Perhaps the earliest interactions between the Egyptians and the C-Group are recorded on rock inscriptions at Khor el-Aqiba in Lower Nubia; one
of these refers to an army of 20,000 men hacking up Wawat, and another
to 17,000 Nubians being taken prisoner. It seems that even from the start, relations between the Egyptians and the C-Group were far from peaceful. Indeed, perhaps to defuse tensions, King Unas, at the end of the 5th Dynasty, travelled to Elephantine to speak with the rulers of Nubia, while later, King Merenre of the 6th Dynasty apparently received the submission of the rulers of Medja, Irtjet, and Wawat.
Warfare in Nubia
After the C-Group’s arrival in Lower Nubia, Elephantine, previously experiencing a period of decline, once again rose to importance. Trade increased with Upper Nubia and a large residence was constructed for the governor of the Aswan region. This might sound rather nice, but taking the job of governor of Aswan wasn’t simply a cushy bureaucratic position, where you’d push a few papyri and get fat on beef: these men were expected to lead expeditions into Nubia for the purposes of both trade and war.
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The Overseer of Foreigners (no doubt meaning Nubians here) Pepinakht
called Heqaib was one such governor of Aswan (this same man also travelled to the Sinai to retrieve the body of Ankhti, discussed earlier). King Pepi II sent Pepinakht to attack the lands of Wawat and Irtjet, where he killed a large number of people, including the ruler’s children and the commander of the Nubian troops. The Egyptians then brought back many of the Nubians to
the royal residence as prisoners. After another campaign south, Pepinakht also brought two enemy chiefs, their children, commanders, oxen, and goats to the residence of King Pepi II.
A more sombre account is provided by Sabni, another governor of Aswan
under King Pepi II (this king ruled a long time). A group of men arrived at Aswan to tell Sabni that his father, Mekhu, had died whilst travelling in a place called Wetjtj in Wawat. Sabni left immediately to retrieve the corpse, supported by an army of Egyptian and Nubian troops, as well as 100 donkeys laden with honey, linen, faience vessels, and oils – gifts for the Nubian rulers he’d meet along the way. At the end of his journey south, Sabni found his father’s body upon a donkey in a place called Temetjer. He took the corpse, placed it in a coffin, and returned to Egypt, bringing along the luxury goods that his father had gathered in Nubia for the king in Memphis.
Another Sabni, perhaps a son of Pepinakht-Heqaib, also led an expedi-
tion into Nubia. Known as the ‘throw-stick of Horus in the foreign lands,’
he was sent to Wawat to construct boats for shipping obelisks from the stone quarries at Elephantine to Heliopolis. During the mission, he was accompanied by soldiers, and later proclaimed that neither a sandal nor a loaf of bread was stolen.
You Gotta Haggle
! Trade and Barter in Ancient Egypt
Ancient Egyptian markets, like markets today, were a vibrant place to get to know the local culture. Markets were held at road intersections or on riverbanks, and people could travel great distances to take part; in the famous Middle Kingdom tale, ‘The Eloquent Peasant,’ the peasant travels with a donkey caravan from his home in the Wadi Natrun to a market at
Herakleopolis, roughly 200 km away.
In Old Kingdom tomb scenes showing markets, the seller normally sits
on a stool or kneels alongside his goods, shouting out the names of the items on offer. Buyers stand, sometimes with a shopping bag over one shoulder, explaining what they can offer in exchange for the goods presented by the seller. We must remember that there was no money in Ancient Egypt, save War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 23
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for some special cases late in Egyptian history. People exchanged goods and had to decide what assorted items, and in what quantities, might equal the value of the desired object. A scene in one Old Kingdom tomb, for example, shows a man exchanging sandals for a vessel of liquid. Another exchanges a fan for vegetables.
The most celebrated Old Kingdom market scene is found in the 5th
Dynasty tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, who were royal mani-
curists. This vibrant scene shows barbers, manicurists, and pedicurists hard at work, even shaving faces and legs. Traders sell fish and sycamore fruits.
Others take copper ingots in exchange for finished copper goods. One craftsman sits carving a seal. A woman sells cups, telling the buyer, ‘see, something from which you can drink!’ A cloth merchant offers two cubits of cloth for six deben of copper ( deben being a unit of weight, one equalling roughly 27 g in the Old Kingdom, but changing to 91 g in the New Kingdom). All
around, baskets are filled with fruit, dried and fresh fish, and vegetables.
Perhaps for security reasons, men walk with baboons on leashes (‘Seize him!
Seize him!’, one man says to a baboon), while another more unruly baboon steals an onion from a stall.
Searching for Yam
Locating the land of Yam has been a goal of Egyptologists ever since they first became aware of its existence. With its ruler controlling the regions of Wawat, Irtjet, and Setju, it was from Yam that the Egyptians received many of their sub-Saharan luxury goods, such as panther skins, ebony, and ivory. The most detailed account of Egypt’s interaction with Yam is found in the tomb of Harkhuf, yet another governor of Aswan under King Pepi
II. Harkhuf visited Yam a number of times during his career and provides details on its location and organization.
Harkhuf first travelled to Yam under King Merenre of the 6th Dynasty,
departing with his father, the Lector Priest and Sole Companion Iry, to
‘open the way’ to this mysterious land – a phrase that implies that they were the first to initiate diplomatic relations. The mission lasted seven months and ended with Harkhuf bringing rare and beautiful gifts back to the king.
On his second trip, Harkhuf travelled alone, along a different route from that used on his first mission. Following the ‘Yebu Road,’ he passed through Mekher, Terers, and Irtjet, regions controlled by the chiefs of Setju and Irtjet. Once again, he returned to Egypt with gifts for the king, having spent eight months away.
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For his third trip, Harkhuf headed west from Abydos and took the ‘Oasis Road’ south to Yam. But upon arrival, he found that its ruler had departed to wage war in the land of the Tjemehu-Libyans. Rather than wait around for the absent ruler to return, Harkhuf set off to find him, sending a courtier and a man from Yam to the Egyptian court to inform the king of his unexpected movements. Afterwards, escorted by soldiers from Yam, Harkhuf returned
to Egypt with 300 donkeys, carrying incense, ebony, panther skins, elephant tusks, throw-sticks, incense, and other goods. The soldiers of Yam safely led him through Irtjet, Setju, and Wawat, and along the dangerous mountain
paths. Upon returning to Egypt, Harkhuf received presents from the king.
When returning from Yam in the second year of King Pepi II’s rule,
Harkhuf sent a letter to the king explaining that he was bringing a dancing pygmy back to the Egyptian court. The king, only a child at the time, was very excited to hear this, especially because he’d never seen a pygmy before.
Pepi replied to Harkhuf, saying that the pygmy must be protected at all times:
‘Cause trustworthy people to be around him on deck, lest he fall into the water!’, the young king wrote. ‘When he sleeps in the night, cause trustworthy people to sleep around him in his tent. Inspect ten times a night! My Majesty desires to see this pygmy more than the tribute of the mine land of Punt!’2
Other sources for Yam provide far less detail. The 6th Dynasty stele
of Iwet from Naqada mentions an overseer of interpreters of Yam; this is significant because it’s probable that one of the routes to Yam started near Naqada, leading first to Dakhla Oasis, and onwards south to Yam. In 2007, a stele mentioning Yam, erected during the reign of King Montuhotep II
of the 11th Dynasty, was found at Gebel Uweinat, in the far south-west of Egypt. Given Gebel Uweinat’s position on the Abu Ballas trail (see below), which starts at Dakhla Oasis, the stele probably stood on the desert road to this mysterious land. It bears the last known reference to Yam.
The Land of Punt
The land of Punt, which the Egyptians also referred to as ‘God’s Land,’
is another mysterious location that cannot be pinpointed exactly. Among the suggested locations for Punt over the years, there’s the Somali coast; somewhere between the Sudanese cities of Atbara and Khartoum; between
Port Sudan and Massawa in Eritrea; and along the entire west coast of the Arabian peninsula. Recent analyses of mummified baboons thought to come from Punt show that eastern Ethiopia and Eritrea are the most likely locations. Meanwhile, excavations at the Red Sea port of Mersa Gawasis, from War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 25
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which many of the expeditions to Punt were launched, have revealed obsidian and ebony from Sudan and Eritrea, and ceramics from Yemen, produced in the Aden region, indicating contact with southern Arabia.
Wherever Punt was located, Egypt procured many of its southern luxury
goods from there, especially incense. The first reference to Punt is found on the 5th Dynasty Palermo Stone, which simply says that products from Punt were imported in the 13th year of King Sahure; these products included
80,000 measures of antyu-myrrh, 6,000 measures of electrum, 2,000 measures of sen-seshemet, and 23,020 staves. The recent discovery of a decorated block from the pyramid causeway of Sahure, depicting the return of this expedition from Punt, now adds extra detail to the Palermo Stone’s account. This shows at least five Egyptian ships with Egyptians and Puntites standing on board.
Dogs (some leashed to the ship) also stand on deck, and baboons are tied to the lowered masts. The Puntite men wear short kilts and short wigs, secured to the head with cloths. The women from Punt have long hair, and like the men, have tied pieces of cloth around their wigs. Among the crew is their overseer, User; an overseer of quarry work called Kaaper; and an overseer of prospec-tors called Menia, showing that quarrying work was also part of the mission. A man described as an interpreter is also present. Among the items transported were frankincense trees, which were to be planted in the garden of the royal palace; the king is shown standing in front of a row of these trees, while his great royal wife and the queen mother witness the historic event. Courtiers also stand, awaiting the arrival of the ships. Afterwards, a great banquet was held, attended by officials and craftsmen, and accompanied by music.
The account of Harkhuf, presented earlier, mentions that before Harkhuf brought a pygmy back to Egypt from Yam, the seal-bearer of the god
Werdjededba had brought a pygmy from Punt under King Isesi of the 5th
Dynasty; Werdjededba’s fame continued into the Middle Kingdom, when a
boat at Mersa Gawasis – a harbour on the Red Sea – was named after him.
The only other Old Kingdom reference to Punt has also already been men-
tioned: the account of Pepinakht-Heqaib, who travelled to the Red Sea coast to retrieve the body of an official killed by Asiatics whilst building a boat meant for Punt.
Egypt’s Wild West
The great expanse of the Western Desert was of little interest to the
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region as a threat, and no fortifications existed to protect Egypt from potential incursions. Nevertheless, from Dynasty 0, a label of King Narmer
show’s an image of the king’s name executing members of a Libyan group
called the Tjehenu – a people who seem to have lived in the northern part of the Western Desert. In the 6th Dynasty, the Tjemehu, another Libyan
group, are first mentioned in texts; these appear to have lived further south, near the Bahariya and Farafra oases, but perhaps even as far south as the Third Cataract. Although these Libyan groups occasionally caused trouble for Egyptian traders, most of the sporadic violent interactions in the Old Kingdom were motivated by the Egyptians.
According to the Palermo Stone, King Sneferu took 1,100 Tjehenu-
Libyans as captives and 23,000 sheep and goats; this was probably an
Egyptian raid, launched to gather people (to be used as soldiers or slaves) and livestock. In the 5th Dynasty pyramid complex of King Sahure at Abu Sir, scenes depict rows of animals walking in a line, with specific numbers recording those taken: 123,400 cattle; 223,200 asses; 232,413 goats; and 243,689 sheep. Three named Libyan prisoners are also shown: Wesa, Weni, and Khu-ites. Early Egyptologists believed this scene to depict a historical event – a time when Sahure attacked the Libyans and brought back prisoners and livestock, much as Sneferu had done. But later kings – including Niuserre and Pepi II of the Old Kingdom, and Taharka of the 25th Dynasty
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