Levant, who were often painted bringing weapons, chariots, horses, metal vases, minerals, and other precious goods. In the tomb of Ineni, they’re even shown bringing a bear.
Relations with the Aegean also became stronger in the 18th Dynasty.
Artists decorated chambers in a palace of Tuthmosis III at Tell el-Daba entirely in the Minoan style, showing bull leapers, bull-grappling, hunts, and griffins, along with maze-patterns. These were made using non-Egyptian painting techniques, indicating that the artists were either Minoans or had been trained by Minoans. It’s unclear why these paintings were made, and they didn’t remain on the palace walls for long. Perhaps Tuthmosis
simply wanted Minoan-themed chambers (the way rich Europeans often
had themed rooms in their stately homes), or it may have been in honour of a Minoan delegation visiting the Egyptian court. Another suggestion is that a Minoan princess may have entered the pharaoh’s harem, and that
these chambers were associated with her. What is certain is that Minoan delegations did visit Egypt under Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III, for they are shown among the foreigners bringing gifts to the Egyptian court. One Aegean delegation, depicted in the tomb of Senenmut, brought gifts of
metal vases and a sword. Another, in the tomb of the Vizier Rekhmire, is shown carrying metal vases and jewellery.
Not to be outdone by Hatshepsut, trade with Punt continued under
Tuthmosis III. But unlike his step-mother’s famous mission, in which the Egyptians travelled to Punt, under Tuthmosis the people of Punt came to Egypt. Tuthmosis’ Karnak Annals record ‘marvels’ arriving from Punt in
years thirty-three and thirty-eight, and Theban Tomb 143 (owner unknown) includes depictions of Puntites arriving on the shores of the Red Sea aboard round watercraft with triangular sails (appearing a lot like modern dinghies).
Scenes in the tombs of the Second Priest of Amun Puyemre and the Vizier Rekhmire show Puntites among foreigners bringing gifts to the royal court.
As usual, these Puntite gifts are classified as ‘marvels.’ In Rekhmire’s tomb, artists also painted Nubians bearing gold, ebony, ostrich feathers, and animals (including a giraffe), among other items. Nubian women and children, captured as prisoners of war, are depicted in the tomb of Ineni too, and are described as being sent to work for Egypt’s temples. Goods and prisoners from Wawat were also once depicted in lost scenes in the tomb of Useramun.
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are Manuwai, Manhata, and Maruta, each of Levantine origin, but unre-
lated to one another. They were buried with elaborate Egyptian grave goods in a joint tomb at Thebes, and are often described as wives of Tuthmosis III by scholars because they were interred shortly after Hatshepsut’s death. In Tuthmosis’ twenty-third year of rule (i.e. just after he became sole king), women and children associated with the leaders of the enemy coalition at the Battle of Megiddo were taken to Egypt; many were sent to work in the Temple of Amun’s storehouse, and it’s possible that some of the women
ended up in the king’s harem. Similarly, in Tuthmosis III’s fortieth regnal year, among the tribute of Retenu was a chief ’s daughter, who came to Egypt with gold and lapis lazuli, along with attendants, servants, and slaves.
During the New Kingdom, foreign slaves, captured during campaigns,
were brought to Egypt in larger numbers than before, and were often sent to work at the temples (for example in the fields of the Temple of Amun). The Annals of Tuthmosis III record around 7,300 slaves entering Egypt, with 2,500 captured during the Megiddo campaign alone. Slaves brought from
Nubia and the Levant as prisoners of war are depicted in the tomb of the Vizier Rekhmire, including men, women, and children; these were sent to work for the Temple of Amun, where they were registered, and given clothes and ointment. Rekhmire’s tomb also depicts Syrian and Nubian slaves making bricks at the Temple of Amun. Artists painted a Nubian girl dancing at a banquet in the tomb of the Butler Wah, while on the walls of the tomb of Tjay, a Nubian man and woman harvest a field. Nomadic people from the
Levant, identified as Apiru, are shown making wine in the tombs of Puyemre and Intef. Sometimes, foreign prisoners given to individuals as slaves were freed by their owners. Under Tuthmosis III, for example, the Royal Barber Si-Bastet captured a slave during a military campaign and later allowed him to marry his blind niece. It was also possible for people to adopt their slaves, leading to them being freed.
Rewarding Soldiers
In addition to being rewarded for their service with ‘gold of bravery,’ slaves, and land, Egyptian soldiers could be awarded gold flies. It isn’t clear why the Egyptians chose the fly-shape as a symbol of military valour; scholars have suggested that it was because the troops pestered their opponents like flies pester people, or because flies gather around the corpses of fallen enemies.
Only five non-royal individuals – all from the 18th Dynasty and high-ranking soldiers – are currently known to have been rewarded with gold flies.
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One 17th Dynasty queen, Ahhotep I, was also buried with gold flies.
Archaeologists have found large flies, each made from different materials, including gold, ivory, and bronze, in graves in Nubia, specifically at Kerma and Buhen. Made between 1700–1500 BCE, they predate those produced in
Egypt. Although the Egyptian flies are different in size and appearance from these Nubian examples (which continued to be worn by Nubians throughout the New Kingdom), the Nubian flies may have inspired the Egyptian
designs. Four of the 18th Dynasty soldiers that received golden flies were also rewarded with golden lions – symbols that appear to be associated with royalty and bravery.
Amenhotep II: Despot or Peacemaker?
Amenhotep II, the son and successor of Tuthmosis III, inherited his father’s love of war. On many of his monuments, he flaunts his skill as a warrior and his athletic ability; in his own words, he was the greatest archer – capable of firing arrows through copper targets one palm thick (the arrows passing through and falling to the ground) – and boasted of his ability to row a boat with a single large oar, all by himself. He was the best horse rider too. (We can perhaps imagine him atop his chariot doing doughnuts in the palace
courtyard, flexing his biceps and shouting ‘look at me. I’m the best!’) As we will see, Amenhotep also liked to emphasize his brutality, more-so than other pharaohs. It’s possible that these bombastic accounts are all a reflection of his personality, and that he wanted to be recognized for his aggressive treatment of his opponents.
Amenhotep’s first campaign occurred in his third year as king, and was
waged against the region of Takhsy, east of Byblos in the Levant. Although little information is provided beyond rhetorical praise, one gruesome detail does stand out: ‘His majesty returned (to Egypt) with the joy of his father
[Amun], (after) he had killed the seven chiefs with his own club, who had been in the district of Takhsy; and who were placed upside down at the bow of the falcon ship of his majesty…’7 The Egyptians then hung six of these men in front of the rampart of Thebes, along with their hands (which had presumably been chopped off), and sent the remaining chief to Napata in Nubia, where he was likewise hung from the city’s ramparts. They must
have been rather rotten by the time they reached Thebes and Napata from the Levant.
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like heads on spikes at London Bridge, is not what many tourists imagine when wandering around modern Luxor. Whether this was a common practice or not is hard to say. Tuthmosis I makes references to bringing an enemy chief back to Karnak Temple, hung upside down at the front of the royal boat, and there is a depiction of a bound Syrian hanging in a cage in the war scenes from Tutankhamun’s mortuary temple.
Amenhotep’s next campaign occurred in his seventh year as king, and
was directed against the northern Levant, where the Egyptians were having trouble maintaining control. One of the campaign’s major events was the capture of a town called Shamash-Edom, which was plundered by the king.
Afterwards, Amenhotep marched to the River Orontes, and there encoun-
tered enemies from the town of Qatna, who were chasing the Egyptians from behind. These were swiftly defeated, and the enemy commander placed at
the side of the royal chariot (inside? Dragged along? It isn’t clear). The king and his army then travelled north into the region of Niy – better known for the hunting escapades of Tuthmosis I and III. Here, a messenger informed Amenhotep of a rebellion in the town of Ikatj, in which a loyal chief had been overthrown. Amenhotep and his troops duly rode to Ikatj and executed everyone disloyal to the king. Then, in the area of Nukhasse – a large territory, roughly 100 km long, between Aleppo in the north and Qatna in the south – Amenhotep deported 15,070 people, forcing them to work for Egypt as slaves, and no doubt terrifying the remaining population into subservience. With typical bombast, Amenhotep says that he then travelled to a place called Hashabu alone, and returned after only a short time, bringing, ‘sixteen Syrian warriors beside his chariot, twenty hands on the foreheads of his horses, and sixty bulls as a cattle-drive before him.’8 One account of this campaign – known as the Karnak Stele – adds that Amenhotep captured the town’s chief, along with his child. Afterwards, an enemy messenger was also captured, and placed on the king’s chariot (presumably along with all the other captives already there).
Two years later, in his ninth year on the throne, Amenhotep returned
to the Levant. This time, he remained in the region’s south, directing his attention against the normally loyal area surrounding Megiddo, indicating an outbreak of unrest. After plundering a number of villages, Amenhotep’s army travelled to the villages of Ituryn and Mektilyn, where a particularly gruesome event occurred. To present it in full: ‘His majesty ... brought away thirty-four of their chiefs, fifty-seven Syrian warriors, 231 living Asiatics, 372 hands, fifty-four horses, fifty-four chariots, as well as all the weapons of war, all the “strong of arm” of Retenu, their children, their women, and all War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 92
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their belongings. After his majesty had seen the very numerous booty, they were made into prisoners. Two ditches were made all around them and filled with fire; his majesty was on guard over it until daybreak, his battle-axe in his right hand, alone, without anyone with him. Now, the army was far from him, apart from the servants of pharaoh.’9 If this account can be believed, Amenhotep watched the people of the villages burn to death. It’s perhaps one of the most violent descriptions found in an Egyptian royal text, and reveals the true brutality of warfare in the New Kingdom. After leaving Ituryn and Mektilyn, the Egyptians attacked further cities, taking prisoners as they went.
Peace Under Amenhotep II
After Amenhotep’s year nine campaign, there was a sudden change in
Egypt’s relationship with the wider world: the Hittites (now on the rise again), the Mitanni, and the Babylonians all sent gifts to the pharaoh, delivered by their representatives to the court at Memphis. It’s unclear why relations suddenly improved between Egypt and each of these great powers,
but whatever the case may be, by the end of Amenhotep II’s period cam-
paigning in the Levant, Egypt had strengthened its territorial control, and now firmly held the region up to the River Orontes and Ugarit on the coast.
More importantly, a time of peace could now be enjoyed.
Perhaps the Egyptians and Mitanni realized that they were evenly
matched, and with their vassal states between them in the Levant serving as a buffer zone, neither could really pose a true threat to the other; if a treaty was formally created between the two superpowers, it probably stipulated that the territory north of Ugarit was off limits to the Egyptians. Due to aggression from the Hittites, the Mitanni were facing war on two fronts, and for this reason, may have wanted peace with the Egyptians – the lesser of two evils from their perspective.
It’s possible that the Egyptians drew up a treaty with the Hittites at this time too, as one is mentioned in sources from a century later. Treaties were a normal aspect of Hittite international relations; during Amenhotep II’s reign, for example, the Hittite king made a treaty with the state of Kizzuwatna, in south-eastern Turkey, ensuring that neither would be hostile to the other.
From the Hittite point of view, having Kizzuwatna as a friend was beneficial, for the region provided a buffer zone between their heartland and Mitanni territory. At the same time, the Babylonians might also have made a treaty with Egypt, as indicated by a later Babylonian text, concerning the renewal of this earlier treaty.
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We cannot know if making peace with the Hittites, Mitanni, and the
Babylonians was an aim of Amenhotep’s or something that he accepted
begrudgingly as a political necessity. By making treaties, he would now have to accept these former enemies as ‘brothers,’ an admission of equality that would seem out of character for Amenhotep. Nonetheless, if it is accepted that these treaties date to Amenhotep’s reign, they are the first that the Egyptians ever entered into with foreign states.
Perhaps Amenhotep II wasn’t as self-obsessed and violent as he makes out, but then again, it’s always how you spin it. In a letter written by Amenhotep to his King’s Son of Kush Usersatet, in the twenty-third year of his reign, he refers to himself as giving orders to the Hittites, and possessing women from Babylon, Alalakh, and Arrapkha – these latter two places being in Mitanni territory. He also mentions having a servant from Byblos. With the end of warfare, and no significant threats to face, Amenhotep could now character-ize himself as commander of a peaceful world, where even the greatest of kings couldn’t oppose him.
A Time of Peace: The Reign of Tuthmosis IV
Under King Tuthmosis IV, a son of Amenhotep II, the 18th Dynasty’s empire building phase ended. On the whole, Egypt’s control of its Levantine territory was now stable and Nubia could offer little resistance against Egyptian occupation. Nevertheless, there were small scale campaigns in both regions.
An offering list from Karnak Temple mentions booty taken from ‘Naharin’
on the king’s first campaign – perhaps a small skirmish in the Mitanni borderlands – and Tuthmosis depopulated the area of Gezer in the southern
Levant. Relations with the Mitanni nevertheless continued to flourish, with Tuthmosis marrying a Mitanni princess – a daughter of King Artatama I.
Tuthmosis’ campaigns also brought more foreign prisoners into Egypt, with his officials sending Nubians from Kush to work in the ‘House of Bread’ at the king’s mortuary temple, and Asiatics to the ‘House of Wine.’ To promote his achievements, Tuthmosis had his artisans decorate the sides of one of his chariots with scenes of him defeating enemies from the north and south.
Tuthmosis IV’s campaign in Nubia is the best known of his military
exploits. The stele recording this event describes the king as at Karnak Temple, having just made offerings to the god Amun, when a messenger
arrives to inform him of a Nubian rebellion; apparently, Nubians from
Wawat had
joined with other foreigners to cause trouble, probably disrupt-ing Egypt’s gold mining operations in the region. So, the next morning, the War and Trade with the Pharaohs.indd 94
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king returned to Karnak Temple to make additional offerings to Amun, and to consult with the god about the best way to deal with the uprising. It’s also possible that Tuthmosis requested Amun’s permission to launch a campaign, for divine sanction was seemingly needed before any action could be taken (later scenes on temple walls show pharaohs being handed a khepesh-sword by the gods as a symbol of assured triumph). Amun must have been happy
to oblige, for soon afterwards Tuthmosis commanded his army to assemble.
They then travelled south, stopping at cult centres along the way to make offerings to the gods. Upon arriving in Nubia, Tuthmosis is said to have discovered a new road in the Eastern Desert and found the rebels hiding in a secret valley. Alone, he killed them all, without bothering to wait for his army.
Despite Tuthmosis’ attempts to promote his (minor) military successes,
times had changed. The king may have wanted (and certainly tried) to portray himself as a powerful warrior, but the great battles had dried up. War was not what it used to be. It would be left to Tuthmosis’ son and successor, Amenhotep III, to adapt to these new, more peaceful times. With wealth
flowing in from across the empire, this king would turn his attention to grand displays of power, not through war, but a building programme of epic proportions. Amenhotep would also father one of Ancient Egypt’s most
controversial figures: the ‘heretic’ King Akhenaten, who ushered in a time of political and religious upheaval called the Amarna Period.
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Chapter 7
Heresy and Diplomacy
(1388–1298 BCE)
By the time of King Tuthmosis IV’s death, little had changed to upset
the newfound peace across the Near East. Amenhotep III, succes-
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