Gold!

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Gold! Page 1

by Fred Rosen




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  Gold!

  The Story of the 1848 Gold Rush and How It Shaped a Nation

  Fred Rosen

  For Leah, whose soul always glitters

  California is a neck of the woods everyone is fascinated with. It was El Dorado. I don’t know anyone who was holding his breath over Prince Georges County, Maryland.

  —James M. Cain,

  The Baby in the Icebox and Other Short Fiction

  CONTENTS

  Preface

  Prologue

  Missouri, 1847

  1.

  New Helvetia

  2.

  Marshall on the Move

  3.

  Marshall in the Race, January 24, 1848

  4.

  “All I had heard …”

  5.

  The Confidential Agent

  6.

  Traveling to the Gold Fields

  7.

  McNeil’s Travels

  8.

  Across the Mountains and the Ocean

  9.

  The Diggings

  10.

  Crime Wave

  11.

  The Five Joaquins

  12.

  One Stayed Behind

  13.

  More Gold Rushes

  14.

  The Belief Lives On

  Epilogue

  Afterword

  Coloma, 2005

  Appendix I

  The Treaties

  Appendix II

  Advice to Miners by Samuel McNeil

  Appendix III

  President Polk’s 1848 State of the Union Address

  Bibliography

  Index

  Acknowledgments

  Author’s Note

  About the Author

  PREFACE

  I finally made it to Sutter’s Fort long after my father set out for California.

  In 1961, like so many young men before him, Murray had trekked to California in the hope of finding a better life for his family. I was eight years old then. I listened from the next room to the breathless, late-night phone calls in hushed tones between my mother and father about moving “out there.”

  Murray was a furrier, and the fur trade in New York was going downhill. Moving west wasn’t a decision made lightly, something we had in common with every family who in the 150 years since the Gold Rush began have had to make the same difficult decision. Even in 1961, a coast-to-coast plane ticket was expensive, not to mention you might have a propeller-driven plane instead of a jet on many routes.

  Murray’s brother, my Uncle Harry, had prospered “out there.” Harry had gone on The $64,000 Question and won a lot of money. And he had four fingers missing on his right hand. He took the money, opened a cigarette business, and bought a house in a place with the exotic-sounding name—to a Brooklyn native—of Montebello.

  Montebello, California! It sounded so exciting! Those late-night phone calls did it. I knew that California was a place I just had to go to. It didn’t happen early, though. My mother, Ruthie, didn’t want to leave her family. They had all their digits except my Uncle Izzie, who was missing a few in the head. Her family is so close, they still all live within a mile of each other. And, as it turned out, the fur trade was no better in L.A. than it was in New York—it sucked.

  My father came home; we never moved west. The illusion my father had that California could be the new El Dorado—the legendary lost city of gold—was the same one that has been inspiring people around the world since the middle of the nineteenth century. Between the Louisiana Purchase in 1806 and the beginning of the Civil War in 1861, the one event that most influenced Americans then, and now, was the California Gold Rush, which began in 1848.

  People left their homes and families behind for the California Gold Rush. From all over the world they came, by land and by sea; there was no air. One in four never made it back. Hundreds of thousands of people, both here and abroad, lost relatives to the lure of the precious yellow metal.

  To everyone, American and immigrant alike, who went to what became known as “the diggings,” it was the absolute belief that they would get rich that fueled them. Even after the truth was known, that few of the gold seekers became rich, that you were lucky to escape the gold fields with any money let alone your life, still, they came.

  On December 31, 1850, almost two years into the Gold Rush, gold sold on the world market for $20.67 per ounce. One hundred and fifty-four years later, on December 31, 2004, the price of gold was $455.75 per ounce, more than twenty times as much. With that kind of money involved, it was no wonder that the Gold Rush was a history-changing event.

  The America that had existed since Colonial times, characterized by a strong work ethic and belief in a righteous God that, if he did not reward you in this life would reward you in the next, was replaced instead by a belief in the power of wealth to redeem a life without privilege. Overnight.

  Yes, I’ll say it again, overnight. Not almost overnight; I mean overnight.

  The people who crowded into the foothills of the Sierra Nevada were the “have-nots” looking to be redeemed as the “haves.” What those who survived found was the real expression of wealth.

  As I looked out at the white oak tree behind the west wall of Sutter’s Fort, which Sutter himself had written about, I realized that the history of those events, and how it touches us to the present day, is still being written.

  Sacramento, California,

  October 17, 2004

  PROLOGUE

  Missouri, 1847

  Robert James was a very discontented man. Nothing seemed to satisfy him.

  Born a Kentuckian, James grew up to become one of Missouri’s most charismatic preachers. He won lasting, legitimate acclaim on February 27, 1849, when, as one of the three founders of William Jewell College in Liberty, Missouri, he helped open the doors to that private Baptist institution.

  James didn’t stick around Liberty long enough to see the place grow. Instead, he moved to Clay County, Missouri. There, he bought a hundred-acre farm that brought in about $70 annually for its hemp crop alone. State and county taxes totaled $10.58 yearly. That left him $59.42. And that was just one crop of many. He also rented out eighty acres, on which he received a monthly stipend.

  James’s assets also included thirty sheep whose wool he sold, and the hogs coveted by his neighbors. Among his prized possessions were the slaves he brought with him from his home in Kentucky when he moved to Liberty and then to Clay County. In the latter, Robert had accumulated even more wealth, enough to have a library of books that included works by Josephus, a Jewish historian of the ancient world; Charles Dickens; Aristotle in Greek; and Latin books on theology and astronomy.

  These books had formed the foundation of his education, as he hoped they would of his sons, Franklin and the baby Jesse. His wife, Zerelda, had given birth to baby Jesse on September 5, 1847. Coming as it did a short time after Robert Jr. died in childbirth, James acknowledged this gift from God. And yet Robert was melancholy, depressed by his life, wishing there was something else out there to give it new meaning.

  He kept looking for God, for him to show him the way to his life’s purpose. He cared not for temporal things when in service to the Lord—or at least it seemed that way to his neighbors. Robert thought he would do whatever it was he felt God wanted him to do. Robert James always figured he would work in the service of the Lord. He never figured to worship any other god.

  If Robert James knew that his blasphemy would lead to his family name being forever impressed into the American consciousness as synonymous with killing and evil, he probably would have tried to stop himself.


  And failed.

  Ohio had been Indian territory, unsafe for settlers, until the defeat of the hostiles at the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, and the Treaty of Greenville in 1796. With the natives pacified, settlement within Ohio’s interior became safe from the “savages,” and for the first time, legal. Like all great dreamers, Colonel Ebenezer Zane of Wheeling saw an opportunity and acted on it.

  Merchant, trailblazer, pioneer, soldier, Zane figured that Ohio would quickly fill with settlers. If he owned land in Ohio, he might make a pretty penny. Acting on that intuition, he petitioned Congress, which, in 1795, gave him a contract to open a road through Ohio from Wheeling to Limestone, Kentucky, a distance of 266 miles.

  What became known as “Zane’s Trace” was blazed into Ohio in 1797. In return, Congress granted Zane three-square-mile tracts of land at the crossings of the Muskingum, the Hocking, and the Scioto Rivers. In early 1798, the first settlers came over the Zane Trace. Two years later, in 1800, Zane decided to make his killing.

  Enough settlers had arrived in the Hocking Valley. He dispatched sons Noah and John, as his attorneys, to lay out the town and sell lots. Chestnut Street, Main Street, Wheeling Street, and Mulberry Street were laid out from Pearl Street on the east to Front Street on the west. Because so many of the early settlers were Germans from the vicinity of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the town was named “New Lancaster,” and shortened to “Lancaster” in 1805.

  Samuel O’Neil was born there in 1819, William Tecumseh Sherman in 1820. Though their paths would later cross, at least figuratively, they did not know each other growing up. What neither man knew was that each would play an essential role in the Gold Rush—one to a present generation, the other to a future one.

  1.

  NEW HELVETIA

  Looking out over the far western wall of his fort at a newly planted white oak tree, Colonel John Sutter felt very, very good. Before him lay the culmination of his life’s work, the fort he named after himself.

  It was a rectangular compound that had been built on a hill with a sweeping view of the surrounding countryside. In the eastern yard of the fort were built into the walls, one after the other and stretching around, the stable, bakery stores rooms, weaving room, immigrant room, storeroom, and cooper’s shop. In the far end of the rectangle were the beehive oven and the fire pit, next to a small grove of birch trees.

  On the west side, that yard consisted of the same configuration of rooms built into the walls. There was a carpenter’s shop, trade store, guest quarters, a gunsmith shop, blacksmith shop, storage rooms, and the guardroom. On the far western side of the western yard were two covered work areas and a fire pit. In the middle of the yard was the well, and next to it, the fort’s bell.

  The western and eastern yards met at the south gate, twenty feet high and made of rough hewn logs. If that didn’t look imposing enough, there were two gun platforms on either side of the gate, each containing a two-thousand-pound cannon. Directly in front of the gates stood Sutter’s headquarters.

  As Sutter continued to look over his domain, beyond the fort, about five miles south, he could see Sacramento Harbor, unobstructed by anything but trees. Tents had sprung up along the banks of the Sacramento River. It was likely that in the very near future, a real town might be established. If it was, Sutter’s Fort, the only bastion of civilization in the northern California wilderness, would likely get the credit … and the settlers money.

  John Sutter would tell anyone he knew in California that he had been a member of the Swiss Guard, the elite group of Swiss mercenaries that was charged by the Vatican centuries ago with the responsibility of protecting the pope. During the middle of the French Revolution, for example, when the mob stormed the palace looking for Louis XVI, it was the Swiss Guard who mounted a valiant though vain defense of the monarchy. It was of that long and proud tradition that John Sutter claimed to be a part.

  That he lied completely about being a member of this honorable group should shame him. Instead, it informs his modesty in believing that the public would not accept the real truth, nor that it would do his businesses any good. It was hard to tell where the real John Sutter stopped and the exaggerated one began.

  In truth, John Sutter was not born a captain and he wasn’t born in Switzerland. He was born in Germany in 1803, in the town of Baden. His birth took place during the first year of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, which would later play such a profound role in his life. Sutter’s father was Swiss-born. That made John Sutter a citizen of the Swiss village of Runbenberg, where his daddy and great-granddaddy before him had been born.

  When he was about twelve years old, Sutter became a publisher’s apprentice in a book publishing house in Basel, on the Rhine. Sutter noticed how people could be judged by what was printed about them. It was there that he learned the value of the printed word, including the effect of manipulating it. He never forgot that.

  Seeking a better financial future, he left publishing and became a store clerk. In 1826, the twenty-three-year-old Sutter married Anna Dubeld. The next day, his first son was born. Once again wasting no time, two years later in 1828, he started his own dry goods business. Sutter had an ear for language and spoke and wrote four—English, French, German, and Spanish. It was of invaluable use in his business because he could talk, in their own language, to just about anyone except Asians.

  But despite his gifts, for the first time in his young life, a business venture didn’t prosper; his debts grew. Even so, he spent lavishly for clothing, books, and entertainment. During those years, he trained in the Swiss militia, not the Swiss Guard. He rose to the rank of underlieutenant, not captain.

  John Sutter was charming and handsome. He looked dashing in a self-designed uniform that made him look like some form of Prussian nobility. He had a gift for conversation and making friends. These were all fine attributes, he knew. He also knew that despite all that, his life on the Continent was over.

  There was no way to avoid his business debts; there was only one way for him to survive financially. He was thirty-one years old and bogged down. So in 1834, John Sutter left Switzerland for good. He took his clothes and his books but left behind his wife and five children. He would send for them when his fortunes had improved. It was a not uncommon arrangement for any immigrant male at the time.

  It meant that the husband would go ahead, to America. Handbills circulating on the Continent said that fortunes could be made there. Sutter had noticed advertising that particularly highlighted the opportunities in the western territories of the United States. Sutter was on deck when the ship he had sailed on from Europe came into New York Harbor. The hustle and bustle on the Wall Street wharves must have energized his entrepreneur’s spirit. Seizing immediately on the opportunities to be made on the frontier, Sutter headed West and settled in the slave state of Missouri. From there, in 1835 and 1836, he joined trading caravans headed for Santa Fe.

  Sutter thought he could make money by investing in real estate. He bought a hotel and dry goods business in Westport, Kansas (now part of Kansas City). Neither proved profitable. Sutter tried selling whiskey and tobacco to the Indians. He soon found that sales of the former did not sit too well with the settlers, who had to reap the “benefits” of Sutter’s liquor when the Indians got drunk and started “acting up.”

  Not staying around to lick his wounds or deal with his creditors—again—Sutter got a job with the American Fur Company that took him to the Hudson Bay Company’s Pacific headquarters at Fort Vancouver (now in Washington State). Always on the lookout for a little adventure with his profiteering, Sutter booked passage on the company’s ship Columbia, then embarking for Honolulu, Hawaii.

  When Sutter got to Honolulu, he decided to look for a connecting passage to the town of Yerba Buena in the Gulf of San Francisco, off the California coast. Unfortunately, Sutter couldn’t find any ships going there. He was stranded in Honolulu for three months before he could get one. That time, though, proved much to his liking. He enjoyed the cl
imate and the people, finding the latter particularly industrious. Sutter began formulating an idea to exploit this.

  John Sutter finally boarded the trading ship Clementine, bound for Sitka, a small Russian town on the Alaskan coast. This time, Sutter was not alone. He was accompanied by eight Hawaiian workers in his employ. Once in Alaska, Sutter lost no time in booking them all passage on to Yerba Buena, where they arrived on July 1, 1839. Sutter was now under the law of the Mexican government.

  Taking stock of where he found himself, Sutter realized that Yerba Buena was nothing more than a tent city, with an occasional clapboard structure. Horse dung and mud blended with other foul-smelling detritus to make the streets a squishy obstacle course. There was no sewer system. It clearly was not to his liking. Yet there was something in this odoriferous metropolis that made John Sutter’s genius take form.

  Sutter immediately noticed that without four walls, there could be no protection. In this section of the country, there were few if any permanent structures. Worse, this was not land under the control of the U.S. government, which could then dispatch troops to protect it. This land was under the control of the Mexican government, which was as corrupt as they come.

  What Sutter saw was a place desperately in need of a refuge, a fort, to protect against marauding Indians or vaqueros. It would be a place that people could seek out for refuge, protection, sustenance, fortitude—and, of course, services that John Sutter would gladly supply at a fair price. He conceived of this place as a self-sufficient entity that he would christen New Helvetia (New Switzerland), in honor of his mother country.

  It was John Sutter, underlieutenant of the Swiss militia, who landed that day in Yerba Buena. But it was Captain John Sutter of the Swiss Guard who sailed out of Yerba Buena Harbor in mid-August as a visionary, an entrepreneur, and an explorer all rolled into one. What he intended when they got to where they were going was to literally carve a trading empire out of the wilderness. That meant, of course, getting a lot of people who were already there quite angry at him.

 

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