24 35 Henry VIII cap.1.
25 Starkey, ‘Inventory’, p.xi.
26 Starkey, Henry VIII: A European Court, p.131. Details of the ordnance, weapons, armour and munitions are provided in Starkey, ‘Inventory’, pp.102–63.
27 Some of the minor legatees waited a long time to receive their bequests; some indeed died before the bequests were paid.
28 See, for example, Smith, ‘Last Will’, pp.20ff.; Levine, pp.471–85; Ives, ‘A Forensic Conundrum’; and Houlbrooke.
29 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, p.408.
30 Wriothesley administered the ‘accustomed oath’ of allegiance to Seymour on that date at Westminster. See APC, n.s., Vol. I, 1542–7, p.566.
31 Ives, ‘A Forensic Conundrum’, p.786.
32 Ives, ‘A Forensic Conundrum’, p.784.
33 See H. Miller, ‘Henry VIII’s Unwritten Will: Grants of Lands and Honours in 1547’ in E. W. Ives, R. J. Knecht and J. J. Scarisbrook (eds.), Wealth and Power in Tudor England: Essays Presented to S. T. Bindoff, London, 1978, pp.87–106.
34 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, p.356.
35 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, p.360.
36 APC, Vol. I, 1542–7, pp.558, 562.
37 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, p.407.
38 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, p.434. On 27 January, he received another grant as Under-Steward and Clerk of the Forest and Clerk of the Swaincote Courts of Waltham Forest, Essex.
39 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, pp.406–8, and NA SP 4.
40 LP, Vol. XXI, pt.ii, p.420.
41 Identified by a grant of the rectory of Grayingham, Lincolnshire, on 30 April 1546.
42 Foxe, ‘Acts’, Vol. V, p.689, and Burnet, Vol. I, book iii, p.255.
43 Brewer, p.121.
44 Foxe, ‘Acts’, Vol. V, p.689.
45 Brewer, p.124.
CHAPTER 10 ‘Dogs Should Lick His Blood’
1 Foxe, ‘Acts’, Vol. V, p.697.
2 See Cunich, ‘Revolution and Crisis in English State Finance 1534–47’, and tables at www.le.ac.uk/ni/bon/ESFDB.
3 Derived from the opening words of the antiphon of the first nocturn of the Office for Matins: ‘Dirige, Domine, Deus Meus, in conspectus tuo vitam meam’ – ‘Direct me, O God …’ – one of the three parts of the Office for the Dead. The origin of the modern word ‘dirge’. See Paul Binski, Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation, London, 1996, p.53.
4 NA LC 2/2, fol.87. See also Loach, ‘Function and Ceremonial …’, p.58. The Privy Council, meeting at the Tower on 2 February, approved payments of some of the bills. Warrants were addressed to Sir Edmund Peckham, Cofferer of the Household, and John Hales, Treasurer of the Privy Chamber.
5 Strype, ’Ecclesiastic Memorials’, Vol. II, pt.ii, p.290.
6 Dethicke was promoted from Richmond Herald to Norroy in January 1547 before Henry died and succeeded Christopher Barker as Garter King of Arms on 29 April 1550. (SPD, Edward VI, 1547–53, p.7.)
7 Sandford, p.493. Strype (‘Ecclesiastic Memorials’) gives a slightly different version.
8 The Vespers of the Dead, so called for the opening antiphon: ‘Placebo Domino in regione vivorum’ – ‘I will walk before the Lord in the land of the living …’
9 Muller, ‘Letters’, p.254.
10 Wriothesley, Vol. I, p.181.
11 Toto came to London in 1519 and received a £25 annuity in 1530–53. He was appointed serjeant painter in 1544. He was a resident of St Bride’s Parish in Fleet Street, dying intestate in 1554. See Auerbach, pp.56 and 145.
12 NA LC 2/2, fol.7.
13 Bannerols were banners of greater width used to display the arms of the ancestors of the deceased and their marriages.
14 Strype, ‘Ecclesiastic Memorials’, Vol. II, pt.ii, p.296.
15 NA SP 10/3/7.
16 SP 10/1/9, 13 February 1547.
17 A few months later, it was to be granted to Edward Seymour, by then created Duke of Somerset and Lord Protector of the realm. The coffin of Edward IV had rested at Syon overnight en route to his burial place at Windsor in 1483.
18 There are reports of only seven horses, but Sandford, John Stow in his Annals and the ‘Spanish Chronicle’ all talk of eight. See ‘Spanish Chronicle’, p.154.
19 Strype, ‘Ecclesiastic Memorials’, Vol. II, pt.ii, p.298.
20 ‘Spanish Chronicle’, p.154.
21 John Bruges, now the king’s tailor, was paid 13s 4d for making the robe of estate in blue velvet, lined with white sarsenet (a soft, silky material), for the effigy and John Benyns was paid 4s for making a doublet of blue satin ‘lined with sarcenet and flamed and edged with velvet’. NA LC 2/2, fol.3.
22 Sandford, p.493.
23 The jewellery was supplied from the Jewel House in the Tower of London. See NA E 101/426/5.
24 Strype, ‘Ecclesiastic Memorials’, Vol. II, pt.ii, p.299. It was more likely to be later: Sandford says the procession left at about ten o’clock, which would accord with the two-hour delay incurred while the procession was assembled.
25 There had been orders issued ‘to all men with baggage or carriage to remain at the appointed place out of the way’. SPD, Edward VI, 1547–53, p.5.
26 Eight banners used in the funeral were still hanging in St George’s Chapel in the seventeenth century. They are drawn in a collection of epitaphs and arms in BL Lansdowne MS 874, fol.49. The Chapel inventory, compiled later in 1547, lists ‘a hearse cloth of king Harry the viiith of cloth of tissue with black satin of Bruges’. See Maurice F. Bond: Inventories of St George’s Chapel, Windsor Castle, 1384–1667, Windsor, 1947, p.185.
27 NA LC 2/2, fol.45. Missing from the procession were the senior judges. They were originally included but ‘the chief justices and master of the rolls’ were deleted from the list of attendees because they were ‘spared for the law in the term time’. See SPD, Edward VI, 1547–53, p.5.
28 Related by Burnet, Vol. I, pt.ii, p.298. The prophecy was made by Friar (later Cardinal) Peto, who escaped with only a rebuke from the Privy Council for his insolence. The incident was apparently seen as a divine judgement upon Henry for having ousted the Brigantines from their religious sanctuary at Syon. Burnet adds: ‘Having met with this observation in a MS written nearer that time, I would not envy the world the pleasure of it.’ Aungier (p.92) repeats the legend.
29 Strickland, Vol. III, p.255.
30 Pote, p.361.
31 Strype, ‘Ecclesiastic Memorials’, Vol. II, pt.ii, pp.304–5.
32 Ibid., p.308.
33 NA SP 10/1/17.
34 Muller, Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor Reaction, p.143.
35 ‘Surround me with your protection.’
36 ‘Dust to dust, ashes to ashes …’
37 Strype, ‘Ecclesiastic Memorials, Vol. II, pt.ii, p.310.
38 Henry’s funeral was the first for which heralds were paid an attendance fee. It was £40 for the whole office in 1547 and it remains the same today. See Wagner, p.113.
39 Starkey, ‘Inventory’, pp.197–8.
Epilogue
1 Paget, ‘Letters’, p.19.
2 Burnet, Vol. I, p.291.
3 The French ambassador Odet de Selve told Francis I of the heralds’ proclamation of Edward as king and wrongly ‘that yesterday Norfolk was secretly beheaded in the Tower’.
4 Machyn (p.45) reported that the duke ‘rode up and down’ Westminster Hall as part of the ceremony of Mary’s coronation dinner.
5 See Anthony Fletcher and Diarmaid MacCulloch, Tudor Rebellions, 4th edn, London, 1997, p.85.
6 Robinson, p.35. He was succeeded as Fourth Duke by his grandson.
7 His ornate tomb chest carries the last major display of overt religious imagery in six teenth-century English monumental art. His funeral is recorded by Machyn on 2 October as having been marked by an extravagant dinner: ‘For the furnishing … were killed forty great oxen and a hundred sheep and sixty calves besides venison, swans, cranes, capons, rabbits, pigeons, pikes and other provisions, both flesh and fish. There was also great plenty of wine and of bread and beer … both f
or rich and poor; all the country came thither.’ (Machyn, p.70.)
8 A later account is in BL Add. MS 30,536, Vol. 1, fol.194b.
9 BL Harleian MS 5,087, no.35, dated 8 February 1547.
10 Wonderful to report!
11 The title was to be Earl of Leicester, but this was deleted in the list of dignitaries drawn up on 15 February 1547. NA SP 10/1/11.
12 APC, n.s., Vol. II, 1547–50, p.16.
13 APC, n.s., Vol. II, 1547–50, p.17. ‘Painful’ in this context means ‘painstaking’.
14 APC, n.s., Vol. II, 1547–50, p.19.
15 APC, n.s., Vol. II, 1547–50, pp.14–22.
16 APC, n.s., Vol. II, 1547–50, p.20.
17 For a more sympathetic discussion of Wriothesley’s actions, see Slavin, pp.268–85.
18 Gammon, p.151.
19 H. Miller, ‘Henry VIII’s Unwritten Will’, in E. W. Ives (ed.), inWealth and Power in Tudor England, London, 1978, p.87.
20 Paget probably meant the administration of justice without regard to rank or privilege.
21 Paget, ‘Letters’, pp.19–20.
22 NA E 23/4/1.
23 NA SP 10/1, fol.41.
24 Seymour is indicating how much he would value even a short letter from Katherine.
25 Seymour’s convoluted words of love indicate that the imagery of the picture would increase his eager anticipation of his marriage with the dowager queen.
26 Bodleian Library, Ashmolean MS 1729, fol.4.
27 Dent-Brocklehurst Papers, D2579, Gloucester Record Office.
28 Nicholas Throckmorton, cupbearer in Katherine’s household.
29 Katherine had clearly instructed Seymour to burn all letters to avoid the risk of discovery of their affair.
30 NA SP 46/1, fol.14.
31 Bodleian Library, Rawlinson MS D.1070.4.
32 BL Lansdowne MS 1,236, fol.26.
33 Strickland, Vol. III, p.264.
34 LP Spanish, Edward VI, Vol. IX, p.123.
35 Somerset had let this property, belonging to Katherine, to a Mr Long.
36 Cecil Papers 133/2.
37 ‘Spanish Chronicle’, p.160.
38 Strickland, Vol. III, p.260.
39 Tytler, Vol. I, p.70.
40 Cecil Papers 150/85. NA SP 10/6/21.
41 Cecil Papers 150/74.
42 Cecil Papers 133/3.
43 NA SP 10/4/14.
44 G. B. Harrison, Letters of Queen Elizabeth I, New York, 1968, pp.8–9, and Strickland, Vol. III, p.275.
45 Thomas Hearne (ed.), Sylloge Epistolarum, Oxford, 1716, p.151.
46 NA SP 10/5/2.
47 Tytler, Vol. I, p.140.
48 Cited by James, ‘Kateryn Parr’, p.333.
49 NA SP 10/6/9.
50 Damaged by Parliamentary forces in 1649.
51 An anthropoid lead coffin.
52 Nash, p.2.
53 It was carved by the sculptor John Birnie Philip (1824–74) and was exhibited at the Royal Academy in London in 1859. The work was paid for by J. C. Dent, then owner of the castle.
54 Her obsequies were the first royal funeral solemnized according to Protestant rites.
55 Tytler, Vol. I, p.133.
56 SPD, Edward VI, 1547–53, p.88.
57 SPD, Edward VI, 1547–53, Vol. IX, p.332.
58 NA SP 10/6/10.
59 SPD, Edward VI, 1547–53, Vol. IX, p.340.
60 Cecil Papers 133/4/2.
61 Loach, Edward VI, p.163.
62 ‘Montague Papers’, p.4.
63 NA SP 11/1, fols.16–17v.
64 Morant, Vol. II, pp.450–4.
65 One of the first suits to be presented to Mary after she became queen was from one of her yeomen of the guard, Philip Gerrard, who sought a review of rents. He had made a similar plea in Edward’s reign, but Gates, his captain, ‘nothing at all favouring the effects thereof, would not deliver it’. See BL Royal MS 17B xl.
66 The inventory of his possessions is in NA E 154/2/45.
67 His will is NA PCC PROB 11/32 F 37 Populwell, dated 7 September 1549.
68 Burnet, Vol. I, pt.i, p.339.
69 Clad in armour.
70 Described by Machyn, pp.97 and 100–1.
71 For an interesting discussion of the legacy of Cranmer, see MacCulloch.
72 Feuilleist, pp.xii and 73–7.
73 Southworth, p.78.
Sequel: ‘Tombs of Brass are Spent’
1 NA E 23/4/1.
2 LP, Vol. III, pt.i, p.2. Torrigiano was still living in the precincts of St Peter’s Westminster, Westminster Abbey. He completed Henry VII’s tomb sometime around 1515. Margaret Whinney (Sculpture in Britain: 1530–1830, Harmondsworth, 1964, p.4) calls it ‘the major Renaissance work created in England’. (An earlier design, in 1506 by Guido Mazzoni, for Henry VII’s tomb was for a gilt-bronze kneeling figure on a monument to be located at Windsor; see B. M. Meyer, ‘The First Tomb of Henry VII of England’, Art Bulletin, 58 (1976), pp.358–67.) Torrigiano also designed and erected a monument with a gothic-style effigy to Margaret Beaufort, Henry VIII’s grandmother, in the south aisle of the Henry VII Chapel at Westminster. See Philip Lindley, ‘Sculptural Functions and Forms in Henry VII’s Chapel’, in Tatton-Brown and Mortimer, p.268.
3 Alfred Higgins, ‘On the Work of Florentine Sculptors in England in the Early Part of the Sixteenth Century with Special Reference to the Tombs of Cardinal Wolsey and King Henry VIII’, Archaeological Journal, 51 (1894), p.143.
4 Archaeologia, 16 (1812), pp.84–8.
5 Annual Report of Friends of St George’s, 5, 1 (1970), p.35.
6 Colvin et al, Vol. IV, p.24.
7 £7,896,763 in 2004 cash terms.
8 Margaret Mitchell, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute, 34 (1971), pp.189–90.
9 London, 1623, pp.796–7. See also Walpole Society, 18 (1930), pp.40–1.
10 John Flaxman, Lectures on Sculpture … as Delivered before the President and Members of the Royal Academy, 2nd edn, London, 1838, p.47.
11 Born 1474, died c.1554 in Florence. He had been working on the base of the monument to the Dukes of Orléans in France in 1502.
12 Known thereafter as ‘Wolsey’s Tombhouse’. Now the Albert Memorial Chapel.
13 He died in Leicester and was buried in the Augustinian abbey there ‘before day’ on 30 November 1530. At the burial, ‘such a tempest with such a stench arose that all the torches went out and so he was thrown into the tomb and there laid’. See Foxe, ‘Acts’, Vol. IV, p.616.
14 Maiano was also responsible for ten terracotta medallions fitted to the exterior walls of Hampton Court. See Colvin et al, Vol. IV, pt.ii, p.25.
15 Hope, Vol. II, pp.483–6.
16 Hope, Vol. II, p.483.
17 See Higgins. A conjectural drawing of this canopy forms plate VII, facing p.172. Higgins’ drawing of the whole tomb is to be found facing p.190.
18 Higgins, p.164. Privy Purse accounts for the tomb for 1531 are reprinted in full on pp.207–19 and for 1534–5 on pp.214–15.
19 Higgins, p.164.
20 NA E 336/27. Portinari later went abroad. On 7 September 1552, the Duke of Northumberland wrote to Sir William Cecil of the high estimation in which Portinari was held at the French court. The Italian, however, was ready to return to England as he ‘is at the king’s command’ and spoke of ‘the devotion he bears … this realm’. NA SP 10/15/3, and SPD, Edward VI 1547–53, p.257.
21 NA E 23/4/1.
22 ‘Henry the Eighth, King of England and France, Lord of Ireland. Defender of the Faith.’
23 NA E 315/256, fol.90. Allowance for expenses ‘about the tomb’, 1547. See also Biddle, p.115.
24 He was working in England as early as 1537, as there are records of payments of an annual salary of £10 a year to him and for the provision of a livery gown.
25 This was located in the area of today’s Dean’s Yard.
26 APC, n. s., Vol. III, p.347.
27 He was called ‘Fill Sack’ by his contemporaries for his propensity fo
r accumulating wealth.
28 APC, n.s., Vol. III, p.380. On p.347 are details of a warrant, dated 9 July 1551, to Sir Raffe Sadler for eight yards of damask to make a gown for Modena, four yards of velvet for a coat and three yards of satin to make him a doublet.
29 Archaeologia, 39 (1863), p.37.
30 A deputation of Edward’s councillors, led by Richard Rich, met Princess Mary at the end of August 1551 and told her that the young king wished to ‘forbid her chaplains to say mass or any other unlawful service’. A defiant Mary replied that ‘she would rather die on the block than use any services other than those in use at her father’s death’ and that she would obey Edward’s instructions on religion ‘only when he was old enough to judge’. See NA SP 10/13/35.
31 Thomas Fuller, Church History of Britain, London, 1655, p.254.
32 Cardinal Reginald Pole (1500–58). Nominated papal legate to England in 1537, but while he was en route, Henry urged Francis I to arrest him as a rebel. Pole returned safely to Rome and accepted a mission from Pope Paul III to form an alliance of Christian princes against Henry. Pole’s mother and eldest brother were executed in England on charges of treason. On Mary’s accession, he was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury in March 1556.
33 Cited by Scarisbrook, p.497, quoting the Jesuit Robert Parsons, Certamen Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Joseph Simons (ed.), Assen, 1965, p.273.
34 BL Lansdowne MS 6, no.31, 12 September 1563. See also Colvin et al, Vol. IV, p.321. Higgins has the letter wrongly addressed to Burghley.
35 BL Lansdowne MS 116, no.13.
36 406.4 kg.
37 1,016 kg.
38 Alias Verstegen, fl. 1565–1620.
39 NA E 351/3,203.
40 NA SP 12/43, fol.73.
41 NA E 351/3,209.
42 A drawing, probably by Cure, for Edward’s tomb survives in the Bodleian Library in Gough Maps 45, 17,554, no.63. It was never built.
The Last Days of Henry VIII Page 33