by neetha Napew
He knew about hunger himself now. He bit into the cake. It tasted bland and starchy— given a better choice, it wasn't anything he would have eaten. Of itself, though, his tongue flicked out to clean the last couple of crumbs off his claw. He wished he had another cake just like it— or maybe another three.
Maybe, he thought too, late, he shouldn't have shown just how hungry he was. He didn't like the way the Nipponese officer stretched out his lips and showed his teeth.
10
Vyacheslav Molotov glanced around the room. Here was a sight that would have been impossible to imagine a few months before: diplomats from Allies and Axis, imperialists and progressives, fascists and Communists and capitalists, all gathered together to seek a common strategy against a common foe.
Had Molotov been a different man, he might have smiled. As it was, his expression never wavered. He had been in a place more unimaginable than this when he floated feather-light in the Lizard leader's bake-oven of a chamber hundreds of kilometers above the Earth. But this London room was remarkable enough.
The room might have been anywhere in the world It was in London because Great Britain lay relatively close to all the powers here save only Japan because the Lizards hadn't
invaded the islands, and because their attacks on shipping were haphazard enough to have given everyone a reasonable chance of arriving safely. And, indeed, everyone had arrived safely, though the conference was starting late because the Japanese foreign minister had been delayed zigzagging around the Lizard-held areas of North America.
The only disadvantage Molotov could see to meeting in London was that it gave Winston Churchill the right to preside. Molotov had nothing personal against Churchill—though imperialist, he was a staunch anti-fascist, and without him Britain might well have folded up and come to terms with the Hitlerites in 1940. That would have left the Soviet Union in a bad way when the Nazis turned east the next year.
No, it wasn't personal animosity. But Churchill did have a habit of going on and on. He was by all accounts a master orator in English. Molotov, unfortunately, spoke no English; even
masterful oratory, when understood only through the murmurs of an interpreter, soon palled.
That didn't bother Churchill. Round and plump and ruddy-faced, waving a long cigar, he looked the very picture of a capitalist oppressor. But his words were defiant: "We cannot yield another inch of ground to these creatures. It would mean slavery for the human race forevermore."
"If we didn't all agree in this, we would not be here today," Cordell Hull said. The U.S. secretary of state raised a wry eyebrow. "Count Ciano isn't, for instance."
Molotov appreciated the dig at the Italians, who had given up even pretending to fight the Lizards a couple of weeks before. The Italians had named fascism, and now they showed its bankruptcy by yielding essentially at the first blow. The Germans at least had the courage
of their convictions; Mussolini seemed to lack, both.
Translators murmured to their principals. Joachim von Ribbentrop spoke fluent English, so the five leaders got along with three languages and thus only two interpreters per man. That made the talks cumbersome, but not unmanageably so.
Shigenori Togo said, "I feel our primary goal here is not so much to affirm the fight against the Lizards, with which we all agree, but to ensure that we do not allow the hostilities previously existing among ourselves adversely to affect our struggle."
"That is a good point," Molotov said. The Soviet Union and Japan had been neutral, which allowed each of them to devote its full energies to foes it reckoned more important (though Japan's foes were the USSR's allies in its battle against Germany, Japan's Axis
partner— diplomacy could be a strange business).
"Yes, it is," Cordell Hull said. "We have come a long way in that direction, Mr. Togo— a short while ago, you'd not have been welcome in London, and even less welcome traveling across the United States to get here." Togo bowed in his seat, politely acknowledging the American's reply.
Churchill said, "Another point we must address is the trouble we have rendering aid to one another. As matters now stand, we must sneak about on our own world like so many mice fearing the cat. It is intolerable; it shall not stand."
"Bravely spoken as usual, Comrade Prime Minister," Molotov said. "You set forth an important and inspiring principle, but unfortunately offer no means of putting it into effect."
"To find such a means is the reason we have agreed to meet in spite of past differences," Ribbentrop said.
Molotov did not dignify that with a reply. If Churchill's gift was for inspiration, the Nazi foreign minister's was for stating the obvious. Molotov wondered why the pompous, posturing fool couldn't have been in Berlin, when it disappeared from the face of the earth. Hitler might have had to replace him with a capable diplomat.
Air-raid sirens began to wail. Lizard jets shrieked by on low-level attack runs. Antiaircraft guns pounded— not as many as warded Moscow, Molotov thought, but a goodly number. None of the diplomats at the table moved. Everyone looked at everyone, else for signs of fear and tried not to give any of his own. They had all come under air attack before.
"Times like these make me wish I were back in the wine business," Ribbentrop said, lightly. He had animal courage, if nothing else; he'd been decorated for bravery during the First World War.
"I want those God-damned planes shot down," Churchill said, as if giving someone unseen an order. If only it were that easy. Molotov thought. If Stalin could have done it by giving-an order, the Lizards would long since have ceased to trouble us— as would the Hitlerites Some things unfortunately yielded to no man's orders. Maybe that was why foolish people imagined gods into being: to have someone whose orders were sure to be obeyed.
A stick of bombs crashed down not far from the Foreign Office building. The noise was cataclysmic. Windows rattled. One broke and fell in tinkling shards to the floor. The interpreters were less obliged to show
sangfroid than the men they served. Several of them muttered; one of Ribbentrop's aides crossed himself and began fingering a rosary.
More bombs fell. Another window broke, or rather blew inward. A fragment of glass flew past Molotov's head and shattered against the wall. The translator who'd been praying cried out and clapped a hand to his cheek. Blood leaked between his fingers. So much for your imaginary God. Molotov thought. As usual, though, his face revealed nothing of what went on in his mind.
"If you like, gentlemen, we can adjourn to the shelter in the basement," Churchill said.
Interpreters looked hopefully at foreign ministers. Molotov checked his confreres. None of them said anything, in spite of the suggestion's obvious good sense. Molotov took the bull by the horns. "Yes, let us do that, Comrade Prime Minister. In all candor, our
lives are valuable to the nations we serve. Foolish displays of bravado gain us nothing, if we can keep safe, we should do so."
Almost as one, the diplomats and interpreters rose from their seats and moved toward the door. No one thanked Molotov for cutting through the fagade of bourgeois manners, but he'd expected no thanks from class enemies. As the Soviet foreign minister set foot on the stairs leading down, another irony struck him. For all their advanced technology, the Lizards appeared in Marxist-Leninist terms still to be in the ancient economic organizational system, using slave labor and plunder from captive races to maintain their imperial superstructure. Next to them, even Churchill— even Ribbentrop!— was progressive. The thought amused and appalled Molotov at the same time.
Another stick of bombs shook the Foreign Office as the diplomats descended to the
cellar. Cordell Hull slipped and almost fell, catching himself at the last instant by grabbing the shoulder of the Japanese interpreter in front of him.
"Jesus Christ!" the secretary of state exclaimed. Molotov understood that without translation, though the American pronounced Christ as if it were Chwist Hull followed it with several more sharp-sounding remarks.
"
What is he saying?" Molotov asked his English-speaking translator.
"Oaths," the man answered. "Forgive me, Comrade Foreign Commissar, but I do not follow them easily. The American's accent is different from Churchill's, with which I am more familiar. When he speaks deliberately, I have no trouble understanding him, but the twang he gives his words when he is excited makes them difficult for me."
"Do your utmost," Molotov said. He hadn't thought about there being more than one dialect of English; to him it was all equally incomprehensible. Stalin and Mikoyan spoke Russian with an accent, of course, but that was because the one came from Georgia and the other from Armenia. The interpreter seemed to imply something else, more like the differences between the Russian of a kolkhoznik near the Polish border (the former Polish border Molotov thought) and that of a Moscow factory worker.
The shelter proved low-roofed, crowded, and smelly. Molotov looked around scornfully: was this the best the British could protect their essential personnel? Corresponding quarters in Moscow were farther underground, surely better armored, and much more spacious.
Clerks and officials gave the diplomats as much room as they could, which was not a great deal. Churchill said, "Shall we continue,
gentlemen?"
Molotov wondered if he had lost his mind. Resume, in front of all these people? Then he reflected that what happened here was not likely to be reported back to the Lizards; unlike the powers negotiating today, the invaders had no long-established spy network to pick up their rivals' every word.
But then he realized that might not matter. He said, "I make no secret"—which meant Stalin had told him to make no secret—"of the fact that I have met the enemy's commanding officer in his ship above the Earth. As I expected, those negotiations proved fruitless, the Lizards demanding nothing less than the unconditional surrender we all find unacceptable. In the course of the meeting, however, I also learned the German foreign minister had held talks with this Atvar creature. I desire to know now whether this also holds true for Great Britain, the United
States, and Japan. If so, I desire to know the status of their conversations with the Lizards. In short, are we in danger of betrayal from within?"
Joachim von Ribbentrop spluttered something indignant in German, then switched to English. The translator murmured into Molotov's ear: "Yes, I discussed certain matters with the Lizards. After the fire that fell on Berlin, this is surely understandable, not so? I betrayed nothing, however, and resent the imputation. As proof I offer the Reich's continuing struggle against the invading forces."
"No imputation was intended," Molotov said, though he remembered Atvar had implied Ribbentrop was more pliable than the German painted himself. Of course, it was as likely the Lizard lied for his own advantage as that Ribbentrop did so. More likely still, they both lied. Molotov resumed: "What of the rest
of you?"
Cordell Hull said, "I haven't done any of this Buck Rogers stuff." ("By which he means he has not traveled into space," the interpreter glossed.) "No one from the government of the United States has. We have held lower-level talks with the Lizards on our soil regarding such matters as transportation of food and other noncombat supplies to areas they control, and we are also attempting to arrange exchanges of prisoners of war."
Soft. Molotov thought. The handful of prisoners the Soviets had taken from the invaders were interrogated until no longer useful and then disposed of, just as if they were Germans or kulaks with important information. As for supplying food to Lizard-held areas, Moscow had enough trouble feeding the people it still ruled. Those the Lizards had overrun made useful partisans and spies, but that was all.
Shigenori Togo spoke in German; Molotov remembered he had a German wife. The Soviet foreign minister's English-speaking interpreter also knew German. He translated for Molotov: "He says there is no excuse for treating with this enemy."
Ribbentrop scowled at the Japanese representative. Ignoring the glare, Togo switched to his own language and went on for some time. Molotov's other translator took over: "The Emperor Hirohito's government has consistently refused to deal with the Lizards except on the battlefield. We see no reason to discontinue this policy. We shall continue to fight until events prove favorable for us. We understand this fight will be difficult; that is why I am here today. But Japan will fight on regardless of the course any other nation may take."
"The same holds true for Britain," Churchill declared. "We may talk with the foe,
consistent with the usages of war, but we shall not surrender to him. Resistance is our sacred duty to our children."
"You say this now," Ribbentrop said. "But what will you say when the Lizards strike London or Washington or Tokyo or Moscow with the same dreadful weapon that destroyed Berlin?"
Silence reigned for the next several seconds. It was a better question than Molotov had expected from the plump, prosperous, foolish Ribbentrop. He did notice the Nazi foreign minister had put the Soviet capital last on his list. Annoyed by that, he said, "Comrade Stalin has pledged a fight to the finish, and the Soviet workers and people shall hold to the pledge, come what may. In any case, if I may use a bourgeois analogy, having continued to resist despite wholesale murder at the hands of Germany, we shall not quail at the prospect of retail murder from the Lizards."
Ribbentrop's protuberant blue eyes glared balefully. Shigenori Togo, whose nation had been at war with neither the Soviet Union nor Germany when the Lizards came, was in the best position to address both their representatives: "Such talk as this, gentlemen, aids no one but the invaders. Of course we remember our own quarrels, but to use them to interfere with the struggle against the Lizards is shortsighted."
He could not have picked a better word to gain Molotov's attention. The ineluctable nature of the historical dialectic made Marxist-Leninists long-term planners almost by instinct. The Five-Year Plans that had made the Soviet Union an industrial match for Germany were a case in point.
Molotov said, "I merely used the analogy to demonstrate that we shall not be intimidated by brute force. In fact, the Soviet Union and Germany are even now cooperating in areas
where our two states can effectively bring combined resources to bear against the common enemy." He stopped there. Another word would have been too much.
Ribbentrop nodded. "We will do what we must do to secure final victory."
Glee danced behind Molotov's unchanging visage. He would have bet a prewar Crimean dacha against a trip to the gulag that Ribbentrop had no idea what sort of cooperation he'd meant. He knew perfectly well that he would never have told the pompous ass anything important.
"Instead of bemoaning the dreadful weapons the Lizards have, one of the things we should be doing is discovering how to make them for ourselves," Cordell Hull said. "I am authorized by President Roosevelt to tell you all that the United States has such a program in progress, and that we will share resources
with our allies in the struggle."
"The United States and Britain are already operating under such an arrangement," Churchill said, adding with a touch of smugness, "nor is the sharing to which Secretary Hull referred by any means a oneway street."
Now Molotov's stony fagade trapped amazement. Had he been as indiscreet as Hull, he'd have earned— and deserved— a bullet in the back of the head. Yet the American secretary of state spoke at his president's orders. Astonishing! Molotov more easily understood the Lizards than the United States. Combining the technical expertise implicit in Hull's words with such unbelievable naTvete... Incredible—and dangerous.
Ribbentrop said, "We are prepared to cooperate with any nation against the Lizards."
"As are we," Togo said.
Everyone looked at Molotov. Seeing silence would not serve here, he said, "I have already stated that the Soviet Union is currently working with Germany on projects of benefit to both nations. We have no objection in principle to pursuing similar collaborative efforts with other states actively resisting the Lizards."
He g
lanced round the tight circle of diplomats. Ribbentrop actually smiled at him. Churchill, Hull, and Togo remained expressionless, save that one of Churchill's eyebrows rose a little. Unlike the Nazi buffoon, they'd noticed he hadn't really promised anything. A wide gap lay between "no objection in principle" and genuine cooperation. Well, too bad. If they wanted to keep fighting the Lizards, they were in no position to call him on it.
Cordell Hull said, "Another area of concern for
all of us is dealing with nations which have, for whatever reasons, made devil's bargains with the Lizards." He ran a hand through the strands of gray hair he'd combed over the top of a mostly bald skull. The Americas had a lot of nations like that.
"Many of them will have done so only under compulsion, and may well remain willing to carry on the fight and to work with us even while nominally under the invaders' yoke," Churchill said.
"That may be true in some cases," Molotov agreed. His own judgment was that Churchill kept the cockeyed optimism which he'd demonstrated in defying Hitler after British forces were booted out of Europe in 1940. That kind of optimism often led to disaster, but sometimes it saved nations. Bourgeois military "experts" hadn't given the Red Army six weeks of life against the Wehrmacht— but the Soviets were still fighting almost a year