From now on there would be desultory fighting almost daily. The night of December 27 a lucky British shell blew up Patterson's Carolina, leaving only the Louisiana to support Jackson from the river. The next day the British made a general advance, but the fire from the batteries and the Louisiana stopped them, convincing the foe to spend several days bringing up heavier artillery of its own. On New Year's Day the British opened a bombardment, sighting directly on Battery Number 3. Dominique was looking at the enemy positions through a small telescope when a shot fragment struck his arm. Bandaging the wound on the spot, he told his gunners, "I will pay them for that!" He personally directed the fire of one of his twenty-four-pounders until it hit and disabled a British fieldpiece.13
The British spent the next week preparing to launch their principal assault, and Jackson perfected his arrangements and plugged every available man into his line. Pierre Laffite was probably still with Coffee on the left flank, keeping an eye on the cypress swamp and perhaps Bayou Bienvenue. Jean was simply out of sight, most likely still with Reynolds at the Temple, or perhaps reconnoitering as far south as Grand Isle.14 Meanwhile Baratarians made up only about fifty of the five thousand men on Jackson's main line.15 In short, they formed a minuscule portion of the army about to fight a battle for New Orleans. And yet, given the nature of the ground and the fact that the Mississippi and the swamp virtually closed the door to maneuver, the British would have no option but to advance in the open, without cover.
In such a circumstance, artillery could be decisive, and the Baratarians manning Battery Number 3 with their three cannon could speak with a voice far greater than their numbers.
Indeed they did. On January 8 the British launched their attack, and almost from the first it became apparent that everything was against them. Dense fog obscured their view of the Americans in their works behind the canal, while Jackson's artillery poured salvos into the mist and the British ranks. Mismanagement at high levels exacerbated the Redcoats' problems, as did the fall of several high-ranking officers, including the British commanding general. The enemy never even reached the American line, only a few men gaining the canal before being cut down or pushed back. Within half an hour, two-thirds of the three thousand soldiers who began the attack had been killed or injured. Though skirmishing continued for some hours afterward, the battle was over, and the Baratarian gunners had played an important role in breaking up the assault, with Dominique taking a second wound and Gambi shedding his blood as well.16
Even as his men began celebrating their victory, Jackson knew half of the battlefield remained in doubt. The British planned to land fourteen hundred men on the west bank of the river during the night, in the hopes of capturing American guns there and turning them on Jackson's line across the river, placing him between two fires when the attack came. However, the crossing had not been completed until the battle on the east bank was under way. Only after Jackson's line had repulsed the main assault did the British on the river's other side approach American defenses commanded by General David Morgan. Jackson's men lined their side of the river expecting to watch an entertaining victory on the other side.
Instead, disaster struck. Morgan was not prepared for a surprise. Once ashore, the British first met exhausted and ill-armed Kentucky volunteers who had been hurried forward to slow the enemy. In the face of disciplined British fire, the Kentuckians dissolved in near panic and rushed back to Morgan's main line, directly across the river from Jackson. The Redcoats struck as Jackson's men watched helplessly from the other side. The Kentuckians broke again, and the British overran the American line, forcing Morgan to abandon his artillery. Patterson barely saved the Louisiana by getting it into the main channel and away from shore before the enemy swarmed past. Jackson hurriedly summoned Pierre Laffite and Humbert and sent them to the other side with a reinforcement of four hundred men. His confidence in Morgan apparently shaken, Jackson wanted the Napoleonic veteran of a dozen fields to lead the reinforcements and any who could be rallied in a bayonet charge against the British. If the enemy held Morgan's position, they could potentially cross upriver and cut the American army off from New Orleans. Laffites part of the assignment was to advise Morgan of the canals and bayous that might be used to get around the British flank and secure an advantage.17
Pierre and Humbert found Morgan trying to reestablish his command a mile and a half behind his original position. Morgan informed Laffite of the situation on the ground and sent him back to Jackson with a plea for more reinforcements, asking at the same time that Pierre return as quickly as possible to advise him on the terrain.18 Upon hearing Pierre's report, Jackson told his aide Grymes to send Pierre over the river with a promise of reinforcements to come that evening and an address, hastily penned by Jackson, to be read to the troops to boost their morale.19 By then, however, the crisis had passed, for in the face of the disaster to the main British line, an order soon arrived directing the Redcoats in front of Morgan to return to the east bank. The Americans, perhaps spurred by Humbert, began to pursue, but one show of resolve on the part of the withdrawing British stopped them and the foe retired without further harassment. The Battle of New Orleans was over.
Jackson remained concerned about the west bank of the river for a day or two, and Pierre Laffite probably remained there with Morgan, with whom he struck up something of a friendship.20 But in the aftermath of the victory, Jackson had another task for Pierre Laffite. Jackson had sent an order to Major Reynolds to remove the inhabitants from Grand Terre, Barataria, and the whole coastline. Many fled of their own accord and eventually almost all were gone. On December 16, however, Captain David Libby took his Cartagenan corsair the Estaba into Grand Isle to escape British pursuit, and then left her while he went to New Orleans for supplies.21 When Libby's arrival in New Orleans alerted Jackson that privateers might be trying to use Grand Isle, he called on Pierre Laffite no later than January 10 to go down to the coast and bring out all remaining inhabitants who could be collected. The general hoped to remove anyone who might cooperate not only with smugglers but also with the British should they try a thrust at the city by that route. He seems not to have seen the irony in sending one of the leaders of the Baratarian establishment to his old haunts to clear it of new privateers. Pierre reached the coast on January n or 12, probably joined by Jean, whom he could have met at the Temple on the way. There in the anchorage he saw the ruins of Libby's Estaba, which a British naval raid had burned with its cargo the day before.22
Laffite probably already knew that Libby's partner in the Estaba was an old friend, Pierre Lameson.23 What he could not know until he heard it from the corsair's crew was that off Cuba Libby and Lameson had taken a Spanish schooner. Lameson had equipped the prize with seven men and one cannon and some muskets, but then he was separated from the Estaba in a storm.24 Lameson sailed the prize to Cat Island, and then went in a ship's boat to Grand Isle looking for Libby. He arrived about January 12, possibly at the same time as Pierre Laffite, to find the Estaba burned and Libby gone, and swore at the moment to kill his partner for abandoning their joint property to its fate.25 Meanwhile he gathered some of the Estaba's remaining crew from their hiding places on shore, and returned to Cat Island, where he raised two more cannon from the hulk of a prize that Gambi had scuttled there some months before.26 Lameson had a two-year-old Cartagenan commission from his previous privateer the President, questionable though it may have been.27 Now he reasoned that the commission could be used for the prize if he changed her name, so he dubbed her the Presidente. He got sailcloth from some people still at Chenier Caminada and a little gunpowder from other straggling inhabitants, and enlisted crew members from a passing vessel. Then he took to the sea once more, bound for Campeche, where he would take on more crew. Lameson told his crew that he intended to keep taking prizes, though he admitted that Cartagena was virtually out of business, having fallen to the British. Some doubted that he could be serious, but he was.28
With what few inhabitants he found, Pierre retur
ned to New Orleans in a few days, probably bringing Jean. While they were absent, the British fleet had come up the river and bombarded Fort St. Philip for several days, but by January 18 the British gave up and returned to the Gulf. Meanwhile Jackson kept the beaten British army off guard with his own bombardment on their camps, and on that same January 18 the Redcoat army began its withdrawal to the safety of its fleet. On the morning of January 27 the British sails disappeared beyond the horizon. Not entirely beaten, the British sailed to Mobile and began efforts to seize it when the fleet got word that a peace treaty signed in Belgium had ended the war on December 24, 1814.
Amid the American euphoria, the Baratarians came in for their full share of accolades. Five days after the battle, while Pierre and Jean were at Grand Isle, one New Orleanian wrote to a friend that "the privateering class, formerly yclept Baratarians, have produced a corps of skillful artillerists."29 Calling them "the amnestied rebels of Barataria," the French consul at New Orleans de Tousard declared on January 20 that they "in truth, performed miracles."30 Speaking of the "former French filibusters driven from our islands by British conquest or by insurrections excited by the British," he called them "intrepid men, hardened to fatigue and experienced in the work and dangers of war," and echoed the compliments to their skill as artillerists.31 A man from St. Louis who happened to be in New Orleans when the smugglers stood by Jackson said, "They are very brave men," and referred to "Lafete" as their leader who had gained pardon for them all.32 Others also personified the Baratarians as Laffite, without saying which man they meant, the public seemingly amalgamating the brothers into one generic Laffite. "I informed you of Lafitte, the famous smuggler and pirate, having joined our forces," a Louisianan told a friend on January 20. Laffite's men had been "of great value, and distinguished themselves," the man went on. "Indeed, it has proven a fortunate circumstance that they were enrolled in our army."33
On January 21 Jackson issued a congratulatory address to his army in which he praised Dominique and Beluche, "lately commanding privateers at Barataria." That Livingston wrote the address for Jackson may explain why the Baratarians received special mention.34 The speech complimented the gallantry with which they had redeemed the pledge they had given at the opening of the campaign, and went on to say that "the brothers Lafitte have exhibited the same courage and fidelity." Jackson thereby renewed his promise to inform the government of their conduct and lend his support to their appeal for pardon.35
Men then and later debated the extent of the Laffites' contribution. The Baratarians, making up a scant 2 percent of Jackson's forces, were hardly a decisive factor. Most were stationed elsewhere at Fort St. John or Fort St. Philip, or on Patterson's Louisiana, and thus did not take part in the January 8 battle.36 The roles of Jean and Pierre themselves are so shadowy that it is scarcely possible to evaluate their impact, if any. Pierre's activities were peripheral, though certainly Jackson acknowledged his courage and usefulness. By contrast, no participant recalled with certainty that Jean was present during the battle, and a few testified later that they did not see him anywhere on the battlefield.37 Almost beyond question, Jean Laffite was not in the action on the east side of the river, and if he had been with Morgan on the other side, there would have been no need for Jackson to send Pierre. Most likely he was still with Reynolds, or more likely still in the vicinity of Grand Isle where there were new affairs about to unfold of interest alike to General Jackson and the Laffites.38 As for the combined contribution of the brothers to the victory, their greatest influence must have been the moral force of their siding with the Americans, thus bringing French Louisianans over to that side. The seventy-five hundred flints they provided also cannot be discounted,39 though Jackson would exaggerate their importance. "If it had not been for this providential aid the country must have fallen," the general would say a dozen years later.40 In fact, in all likelihood, the battle would have been won without them, for it was British mistakes and bad fortune, combined with American artillery, that turned the tide. The Baratarians made an impact on the tide of battle, but no more than a host of other influences.
By March, Jackson's continued martial law began to alienate elements in the city's population. Protests appeared in the press, whereupon Jackson arrested their author. Judge Hall defied Jackson by issuing a habeas corpus writ to free the offender, and that provoked Jackson to arrest Hall. Sensing the rebellious current running in the city and through some of his volunteer units, who thought they should be free to go home, Jackson issued a proclamation on March 5 regarding mutiny and its penalties. But then came the news of the Treaty of Ghent, and Jackson freed all those under arrest. A group of citizens gave Hall a triumphant escort to the courthouse, and the judge immediately cited Jackson for interfering with civil authority and commanded him to appear before the court on charges of contempt. Jackson appeared on March 31, heard Hall levy a fine against him of $1,000, paid it, and left. 41 Waiting for him at the door was a crowd of about fifty, including Dominique and Beluche. They lifted Jackson on their shoulders and carried him to the Maspero's Exchange Commercial Coffee House.42 Before Jackson left the city on April 6 to return home, he took a moment to send Pierre Laffite a personal note of thanks for his "activity and zeal." Pierre was, he said, "one of those to whom the country is most indebted," and closed with an expression of his private friendship and esteem.43 Of course, in the fullness of victory, Jackson was a bit hyperbolic in praising everyone, but still it was an encomium to be treasured, and perhaps to be made use of before long.
The Laffites were as anxious as everyone else in the city to celebrate the final victory after the peace treaty. When a ball was held for Jackson's officers, the Laffites attended. Pierre was now well acquainted with some of the men there, but Jean knew few of them due to his being elsewhere during most of the campaign. General Coffee arrived late, and when he encountered Pierre, seemed momentarily unable to connect a name with the face. Pierre was offended and introduced himself rather stiffly as "Lafitte, the pirate!" Coffee immediately extended his hand and made amends for his absentmindedness.44
The president would not be so forgetful. On February 6 Madison made good on his support for clemency with a proclamation. Referring to the Baratarians as citizens who had formerly forgotten their duty to the law, he acknowledged their "sincere penitence" when they agreed to give up smuggling and defend New Orleans. Without mentioning the Laffites specifically, he also made reference to the attractive British offer they had refused. The Louisiana legislature recommended that they be pardoned, and now the president did so, granting forgiveness for all violations of any acts of Congress touching on commerce or intercourse with foreign nations prior to January 8, 1815, and stays of any and all claims for fines or penalties against them. To obtain pardon each applicant simply had to produce a certificate from Claiborne attesting that the applicant aided in the defense. 45
Even before Madison's proclamation reached New Orleans, Claiborne and the federal district attorney agreed that the Baratarians' performance at New Orleans, coupled with Jackson's endorsement of clemency and the call from the legislature, smoothed the path to pardon. The governor did his part by asking the prosecutor to enter findings of nolle prosse in all cases against the Laffites and others under prosecution when the federal court reopened February 20.46 Grymes's term as district attorney had expired when the court adjourned in December, but he would continue to act for the government intermittently for a few weeks now.47 His replacement, the Irishman John Dick, did not wait for the proclamation he knew would be coming. As the first business of the bench when the federal court reopened on February 20, he entered the appropriate findings to halt proceedings against the Laffites.48 Those facing indictments were Jean for piracy, Pierre and Jannet as accessories before the fact, and fifteen others—including Lafon, Lavergne, and Dominique, "alias Frederick Youx"—for piracy or illegally fitting out a privateer in United States territory. Dick had asked Claiborne to suggest which deserved pardon, and Claiborne opted to recommend e
veryone under indictment—though, without convictions, no pardons were needed.49 They were still to present the statement certifying their service for Jackson, but in the end out of the several hundred men eligible, only Humbert and three others did so, and the court chose not to stand on detail.50
Their newfound freedom allowed the Laffite brothers to resume the sort of public life that was not possible on Grand Isle. Once more Jean was found in the coffeehouses and taverns.51 Both brothers, Dominique, Beluche, and others were seen in the streets of New Orleans, walking arm in arm with Livingston and his brother-in-law Davezac as fellow heroes of the defense.52 "Captain Lafitte," Jean, was even solicited to testify on the behalf of a Baratarian who somehow wound up in jail again.53
Before leaving on his mission to Barataria for Jackson, Pierre had returned briefly to the house on Dumaine where Marie and the children lived, and Jean no doubt went there with him on their return. Around this time Jean made a change in his own domestic life. It is safe to assume that Jean Laffite had enjoyed some degree of romantic experience not limited to the slender young quadroon with whom Glasscock saw him in 1809. Any liaisons of his during the ensuing five years, however, failed to attract enough notice to leave comment.54 Now, however, he either commenced or resumed an involvement with Marie Villard's younger sister Catherine, who also lived in the house on Dumaine, and sometime in February she became pregnant.55 He did not establish her in a plaçage arrangement, though. Rather, it appears that the two couples shared then and later whatever lodging Pierre provided, with Jean contributing to its maintenance.56
The Pirates Laffite Page 23