12. My comparison is indebted to Schivelbusch, who refers to the parallel rise of the “lighting of order” (street lighting) and the “lighting of festivity” in the seventeenth century. See Disenchanted Night, pp. 137–43.
13. The beginnings of public street lighting are documented for Paris by Auguste Philippe Herlaut, “L’éclairage des rues de Paris à la fin du XVIIe siècle et au XVIIIe siècle,” Mémoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Ile-de-France 43 (1916): 130–240, and for Amsterdam by Multhauf, “Street Lighting in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam.” On Turin see Davide Bertolotti, Descrizione di Torino (Turin, 1840; repr. Bologna: A. Forni, 1976), p. 63 (my thanks to Geoffrey Symcox for this reference); on London see Malcolm Falkus, “Lighting in the Dark Ages of English Economic History: Town Streets before the Industrial Revolution,” in Trade, Government, and Economy in Pre-Industrial England. Essays presented to F. J. Fisher, ed. D.C. Coleman and A.H. John (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1976), pp. 187–211; for Copenhagen see Johann Georg Krünitz, Ökonomisch-Technologische Encyklopädie, vol. LXV (Berlin: Pauli, 1794), and Stadtarchiv Leipzig [hereafter SdAL], Urkunden, 97, 8II, fos. 124–32 (manuscript copy of the 1683 Copenhagen street-lighting ordinance).
14. See W. Leybold, “Hamburgs öffentliche Gassenbeleuchtung. Von den Anfängen bis zur Franzosenzeit, 1673–1816,” Nordalbingia 5 (1926): 455–75, and Wolfgang Nahrstedt, Die Entstehung der Freizeit. Dargestellt am Beispiel Hamburgs (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), pp. 88–95; on Vienna see Ludwig Böck, “Zur Geschichte der öffentlichen Beleuchtung Wiens,” Wiener Neujahrs-Almanach 4 (1898): 1–27, and Margit Altfahrt and Karl Fischer, “‘Illuminations-Anfang der Stadt Wien’ (Zur Einführung der Straßenbeleuchtung in Wien im Jahre 1687),” Wiener Geschichtsblätter 42 (1987): 167–70; on Berlin see Herbert Liman, Mehr Licht: Geschichte der Berliner Straßenbeleuchtung (Berlin: Haude & Spener, 2000); on Hanover, see Siegfried Müller, Leben in der Residenzstadt Hannover: Adel und Bürgertum im Zeitalter der Aufklärung (Hanover: Schlüter, 1988), pp. 42, 102.
15. See Falkus, “Lighting in the Dark Ages,” pp. 251–53, and Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night, p. 82.
16. Thomas DeLaune, Angliæ Metropolis: or, The Present State of London … First written by … Tho. Delaune, gent. and continued to this present year by a careful hand (London: Printed by G.L. for J. Harris and T. Howkins, 1690), pp. 365–66. On perceptions of eighteenth-century street lighting, see Schivelbusch, Disenchanted Night, pp. 95–96.
17. Johannes Neiner, Vienna Curiosa & Gratiosa, Oder Das anjetzo Lebende Wienn (Vienna: Joann. Baptistae Schilgen, 1720), pp. 17–18.
18. See for example the Berlin/Cölln ordinance of 1636 in Christian Otto Mylius, ed., Corpus Constitutionum Marchicarum (Berlin and Halle: Buchladen des Waisenhauses, 1737–55), part 5, section 2, cols. 633–34; and Falkus, “Lighting in the Dark Ages,” pp. 249–51.
19. See Johann Heinrich Zedler, Grosses vollstandiges Universal-Lexikon, vol. XVI (Halle and Leipzig: Verlegts Johann Heinrich Zedler, 1737), article on “Laterne” and the description of the “Diebeslaterne” (thieves’ lantern).
20. A Leipzig city ordinance of 1544 set the curfew bell at 9 p.m. in the summer and 8 p.m. in the winter. P.G. Müller, “Die Entwicklung der künstlichen Straßenbeleuchtung in den sächsischen Städten,” Neues Archiv für Sächsische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 30 (1909): 144–45.
21. On England, see the work of Paul Griffiths, “Meanings of Nightwalking in Early Modern England,” Seventeenth Century 13, 2 (1998): 212–38, and Elaine A. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies: The Night Watch and Police Reform in Metropolitan London, 1720–1830 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998).
22. For example, the general Leipzig curfew described above was simply not renewed after the establishment of street lighting in 1701; instead the city council focused on the regulation of youth at night.
23. Johann Valentin Andreä, Reipublicae christianopolitanae description (Strasbourg: Zetzner, 1619), dedicated to the Lutheran devotional theologian Johann Arndt. See the excellent English edition: J.V. Andreae, Christianopolis, ed. with an Introduction by Edward H. Thompson, Archives internationales d’histoire des idées 162 (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1999), pp. 143–45.
24. Andreae, Christianopolis, ed. Thompson, pp. 185–86. An earlier Rosicrucian work by Andreä, the Chymische Hochzeit of 1616, also carefully described outdoor lighting along a pathway within the grounds of a castle. See The hermetick romance, or, The chymical wedding written in High Dutch by Christian Rosencreutz, trans. E. Foxcroft (London: Printed by A. Sowle, 1690), p. 28.
25. Friedrich Lucae, Der Chronist Friedrich Lucae: ein Zeit- und Sittenbild aus der zweiten Hälfte des siebenzehnten Jahrhunderts, ed. Friedrich Lucae II (Frankfurt: Brönner, 1854), p. 99. Lucae visited Amsterdam in 1665 or 1666 and again in 1667, observing the street lighting before it was completed in 1669.
26. Multhauf, “Street Lighting in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam,” pp. 249–50; M.G. Niessen, “Straatverlichting,” Ons Amsterdam 18 (1966), pp. 82–85; Patrick Meehan, “Early Dublin Public Lighting,” Dublin Historical Record 5 (1943): 130–36.
27. On royal cities see Leon Bernard, The Emerging City: Paris in the Age of Louis XIV (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1970) and John P. Spielman, The City and the Crown: Vienna and the Imperial Court, 1600–1740 (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 1993).
28. Marperger’s 1722 treatise on street lighting presents nine different schemes to pay for the lighting. (Marperger, Von denen Gassen Laternen, pp. 22–7.) On the English approach see William Robert Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720 (Cambridge, 1912; repr. Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1968), III: 52–60, as placed in the context of urban development by Paul Slack, From Reformation to Improvement: Public Welfare in Early Modern England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), pp. 102–04. On Dublin and Lübeck see Meehan, “Dublin Public Lighting,” pp. 130–36, and W. Brehmer, “Beiträge zu einer Baugeschichte Lübecks. 3. Die Straßen,” Zeitschrift des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Alterthumskunde 5, 2 (1887): 254–58.
29. Bernard, Paris, pp. 53–54, and Herlaut, “L’éclairage,” pp. 137–48. Louis XIV sold a major exemption from the taxe des boues et lanternes in 1704.
30. Bernard, Paris, pp. 162–66, and Herlaut, “L’éclairage,” p. 163.
31. Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin, I. HA, Rep. 21, Nr. 24b1, Fasc. 5, September 23, 1680. Greater Berlin was originally divided by the Spree river into the separate towns of Berlin and Cölln. Confusion between Cölln on the Spree and Köln/Cologne on the Rhine has led some scholars to mistakenly claim that street lighting was also established in Cologne in 1682. In fact, Cologne had no municipal street lighting until the early nineteenth century. See F. Joly, Die Beleuchtung und Wasserversorgung der Stadt Köln (Cologne: J.P. Bachem, 1895).
32. See 300 Jahre Strassenbeleuchtung in Berlin (Berlin: Senator für Bau- und Wohnungswesen, 1979), pp. 8–14.
33. Böck, “Beleuchtung Wiens,” p. 14. By the early eighteenth century there were about 1,650 street lanterns in the city. Conrad Richter, “Die erste öffentliche Beleuchtung der Stadt Wien,” Alt-Wien 6 (1897): 9–11.
34. Archives Municipales de Lille [hereafter AM Lille], Affaires Générales 1256, dossier 9, fo. 3.
35. See Régine Martin, “Les débuts de l’éclairage des rues de Dijon,” Annales de Bourgogne 25, 4 (1953): 253–55, and Joseph Thomas, L’éclairage des rues d’Amiens à travers les âges (Cayeux-sur-Mer: P. Ollivier, 1908), pp. 12–14.
36. Catherine Denys, Police et sécurité au XVIIIe siècle dans les villes de la frontière franco-belge (Paris: Harmattan, 2002), pp. 276–77.
37. Ibid., pp. 192–200.
38. Archives Départmentales du Nord [hereafter ADN], C w.305/2899, ordinance of August 31, 1667.
39. ADN, C 2899, ordinance of July 23, 1668.
40. AM Lille, Affaires Générales 1256, dossier 1, fos. 1–3.
42. AM Lille, Affaires Générales 1256, dossier 1, fo. 3. With 600–700 lanterns for a population of about 55,000 in 1667, Lille compares favorably with Rouen (population 60,000 and 800 lanterns in 1700), but less so with Leipzig (21,000 residents and 700 lanterns in 1701).
43. ADN, C 2899, ordinance of September 23, 1667 regarding innkeepers; ordinance of October 27, 1667 on closing time for “Tavernes & Cabarets”; see also Philippe Jessu, Louis XIV en Flandre: Exposition historique … à Lille, 28 octobre 1967–30 avril 1968 (Société des amis des musées de Lille, 1967), p. 93. All these ordinances issued from the Magistrat; in some cases the initiative of the French governor or intendant is apparent, as for example the announcement on September 22, 1667 of a reward for the denunciation of those guilty of assaulting a French officer. ADN, C 2899.
44. Denys, Police et sécurité, pp. 193–95.
45. Albert Croquez, Histoire politique et administrative d’une province française, la Flandre, vol. II, Louis XIV en Flandres (Paris: Champion, 1920), pp. 50–58.
46. Laurence Echard, Flanders, or the Spanish Netherlands, most accurately described shewing the several provinces (London: Printed for Tho. Salusbury, 1691), pp. 17–18.
47. Louis Trénard, Histoire de Lille: De Charles Quint à la conquête française (1500–1715), Histoire de Lille 2 (Toulouse: Privat, 1981), p. 407.
48. Croquez, Louis XIV en Flandres, p. 56, and Alain Lottin, Vie et mentalité d’un Lillois sous Louis XIV (Lille: É. Raoust & cie, 1968), p. 356. The victim was probably the young man Weimel mentioned in the journal of the silk weaver Pierre Ignace Chavatte on August 24, 1668 (“Weimel fut descoutrez tout nud”). The journal of Chavatte covers the years 1657–93 and has been published in Gerhard Ernst and Barbara Wolf, eds., “Pierre Ignace Chavatte: Chronique memorial (1657–1693),” in Textes français privés des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, Beiheft zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 310, CD 1–3 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2005).
49. Croquez, Louis XIV en Flandres, p. 56, and Lottin, Vie et mentalité, p. 356.
50. Lottin, Vie et mentalité, p. 356.
51. Ibid.
52. In the same period Le Peletier reported on three soliders hanged for plundering a house near their barracks late one night. Croquez, Louis XIV en Flandres, p. 55.
53. On the relationship between the French and the Lille Magistrat, see Victoria Sanger, “Military Town Planning under Louis XIV: Vauban’s Practice and Methods, 1668–1707,” PhD thesis, Columbia University, 2000, pp. 64–68; Gail Bossenga, The Politics of Privilege: Old Regime and Revolution in Lille (Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 1–25; here p. 21; and Albert Croquez, La Flandre wallonne et les pays de l’intendance de Lille sous Louis XIV (Paris: H. Champion, 1912), pp. 80–81.
54. Trénard, Histoire de Lille, pp. 287–92, and Lottin, Vie et mentalité, pp. 171–88.
55. “Un homme tuè dune centinel au marchè,” Ernst and Wolf, ed., “Chavatte: Chronique memorial,” in Textes français privés, July 23, 1672. Spelling and punctuation as original.
56. Ibid., October 16, 1673, “La guerre declarè contre la france.” The following year the French completed the Saint-Sauveur bastion overlooking the workers’ quarter of the city – a reminder of their distrust of Lillois artisans like Chavatte. See Sanger, “Military Town Planning under Louis XIV,” pp. 46–47.
57. Ernst and Wolf, ed., “Chavatte: Chronique memorial,” in Textes français privés, February 7, 1675, “Un debat a la bourse d’or des bourgeois avec des officiers francois.”
58. Trénard, Histoire de Lille, p. 290; see also Croquez, Louis XIV en Flandres, pp. 50–58.
59. A. Crapet, “La vie à Lille de 1667 à 1789,” Revue du Nord 6 (1920): 126–54, 198–221; and 7 (1921): 266–322, here 135; Denys, Police et sécurité, pp. 199, 277; and Catherine Denys, “La sécurité en ville: les débuts de l’éclairage public à Lille au XVIIIe siècle,” Les Cahiers de la sécurité 61, 1 (2006): 143–50.
60. Catherine Denys, “Le bris de lanternes dans les villes du Nord au XVIIIe siècle: quelques réflexions sur la signification d’un délit ordinaire,” in La petite délinquance du moyen âge à l’époque contemporaine, ed. Benoît Garnot and Rosine Fry, Publications de l’Université de Bourgogne 90 (Dijon: EUD, 1998), pp. 309–19; here p. 311.
61. Lottin, Vie et mentalité, p. 356.
62. Denys, “Le bris de lanternes,” p. 314.
63. Lottin, Vie et mentalité, p. 356, and Denys, “Le bris de lanternes,” p. 316, citing the Magistrat in 1710.
64. SdAL, Urkundensammlung, 97, 1–7, “Laternen. 1701–1702,” fo. 1. Augustus also oversaw the introduction of street lighting in Dresden in 1705. See Müller, “Die Entwicklung der künstlichen Straßenbeleuchtung,” pp. 144–51; cf. P.G. Hilscher, Chronik der Königlich Sächsischen Residenzstadt Dresden (Dresden: In Commission der Ch. F. Grimmer’schen Buchhandlung, 1837), pp. 313–14. No other Saxon cities established any regular street lighting until the late eighteenth century.
65. SdAL, Sekt. K 252, Bl. 1–16., here fo. 6.
66. Rudolf Reuss, ed., Aus dem Leben eines strassburger Kaufmanns des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts: “Reiss-Journal und Glücks- und Unglücksfälle,” Beiträge zur Landes- und Volkeskunde von Elsass-Lotharingen und den angrenzenden Gebieten 43 (Strasbourg: J.H.E. Heitz, 1913), p. 14.
67. Why was Zetzner out to mail a letter so late at night? No doubt he was following the schedule of a post-coach. The coaches came and went at fixed times according to published schedules, picking up post and passengers at all hours of the day and night. They connected the insular time of individual cities with regional schedules and movement, and their regular travel brought a new kind of legitimate nocturnal activity to cities. See Wolfgang Behringer, “Bausteine zu einer Geschichte der Kommunikation. Eine Sammelrezension zum Postjubiläum,” Zeitschrift für historische Forschung 21, 1 (1994): 92–112, and the literature cited there. On students and the night, see below, chapter 6.
68. “Also hat man auch nunmehr allhier zu Leipzig die düstere Nacht und Finsternüß in Licht und hellen Schein zu verwandeln resolviert.” Aufgefangene Brieffe, welche Zwischen etzlichen curieusen Personen über den ietzigen Zustand der Staats und gelehrten Welt gewechselt worden (Wahrenberg: J.G. Freymunden [actually Leipzig: Groschuff], 1701), p. 890.
69. The title of a verse pamphlet, Das bey der Nacht Hervorleuchtende Leipzig (Leipzig: Immanuel Tietze, 1701), held in the SdAL, Tit. XXVI, Nr. 3, fos. 21r–22v.
70. See Jean-Louis Sponsel, Der Zwinger, die Hoffeste und die Schloßbaupläne zu Dresden (Dresden: Stengel, 1924); Georg Kohler, “Die Rituale der fürstlichen Potestas. Dresden und die deutsche Feuerwerkstradition,” in Die schöne Kunst der Verschwendung, ed. Georg Kohler and Alice Villon-Lechner (Zurich and Munich: Artemis, 1988), pp. 101–34; and Katrin Keller, “La Magnificence des deux Augustes: Zur Spezifik hÖfischer Kultur im Dresden des Augusteischen Zeitalters (1694–1763),” Cahiers d’études germaniques 28 (1995): 55–66.
71. See Karlheinz Blaschke, “Die kursächsische Politik und Leipzig im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Leipzig: Aufklärung und Bürgerlichkeit, ed. Wolfgang Martens (Heidelberg: Schneider, 1990), pp. 23–38.
72. Dresden, sixty miles to the southeast of Leipzig, had been the primary residence of the Saxon electors since the mid sixteenth century. Leipzig, with its three annual trade fairs, was the commercial center of the territory (and indeed of Central Europe as a whole) and the Saxon princes, including Augustus, usually visited Leipzig during the trade fairs. Augustus preferred to rent one of the city’s luxurious baroque palaces, the Appel’schen Haus on the market square, rather than stay in his own official residence in the city, the medieval Moritz castle on the city wall, which he considered too old-fashioned. See Karl Czok, Am Hofe Augusts des Starken (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1990), pp. 135–39. The court moved with Augustus when he came to Leipzig, renting the finest merchants’ houses on the market square, and court life was superimposed on
the places and spaces of the city’s merchant elites: the opera house, the coffeehouses and merchants’ courtyards, and the city’s main churches.
73. Nikolaus Pevsner, Leipziger Barock: Die Baukunst der Barockzeit in Leipzig (Dresden: W. Jess, 1928). After a series of court intrigues still not clearly understood, Franz Conrad Romanus was accused of embezzlement, removed from office, and arrested in 1705. Unable to regain the favor of Augustus, Romanus was imprisioned at the Königsstein fortress and held there until his death in 1746. See Gustav Wustmann, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte Leipzigs (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1889–95) II: 263–352.
74. Ibid., II: 264–67.
75. Ibid., II: 267: “ins Meer der Vergessenheit geworfen sein möchte.”
76. SdAL, “Acten, die Einrichtung der orthen Straßenbeleuchtung betr. 1701,” fo. 2.
77. Ibid., fo. 5.
78. Wustmann, ed., Quellen, II: 269.
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