7.On emperors’ wives in this period, see essays in Kolb 2010; Keltanen 2002. On the relation between public portrayal of these women and of Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus, see Gleason 2010.
8.For Pantheia mourning by the tomb “of her lord” in Marcus’s Meditations (8.37), editors have read “of Verus” instead of “of her lord”; the next set of mourners sits by Hadrian’s tomb. On Xenophon in the Second Sophistic, see Goldhill 2009a, 109; on Pantheia, Vout 2007, 213–239.
9.Jokes: 1.74, 5.75, 6.7, 6.22, 6.45, 6.91. On this law, see McGinn 1998a.
10.Plut. Mor. 140b, 144c, 144d (other women); 138f, 139c, 139e, 140c, 143d–e, 144f (sex between husbands and wives); 139a (love charms). See Pomeroy 1999.
11.Gilhuly 2006 sees Lucian’s creation of lesbian characters in Dial. Meret. 5 as a manifestation of his own hybrid status within the Second Sophistic; cf. Morales’ discussion (2006) of the female-female romance in Iamblichus’s Babylonian Affairs in the context of Antonine imperialism.
12.On lamppost problems, see Richlin 2014, 5. Grateful for details, I myself have generalized on the basis of material from the 100s CE (esp. at Richlin 1992, 35, 37, on Strato—who is now suspected of belonging to the Flavian or even Neronian period, Floridi 2007, 1–13).
13.On Fronto and Marcus, see Richlin 2006a, 2006b; Taoka 2013a, 2013b; with close attention to the language of Roman friendship, Williams 2012, 240–258; for doubts, Laes 2009.
14.For the date of Rufinus relative to Strato, see Cameron 1982; Floridi 2007, 1–13; Höschele 2006, 58–61. On epigram in the time of Fronto, see Bowie 1990, 55–56; Cameron 1993, 16, 84–90, on the anthology of Diogenian under Pius; Holford-Strevens 2012, 129. On Severan epigram, see Nisbet 2007.
15.The eroticism in these odd poems is disputed; see Asso 2010; Newlands 2011 ad loc.
16.For a full overview of pederastic epigrams in the Greek Anthology and in Martial, see Richlin 1992, 34–44, 55–56, 275–276; on Strato, Floridi 2007. See Williams 2004 for an annotated text of Martial Epigrams 2.
17.On the anomalous antipederasty position of Musonius Rufus, see Williams 2010, 269–277, and in general Goldhill 1995, 133–143; for the putative Severan effort, see McGinn 1998b, 270–274.
18.On stories about this law in later histories, see Grelle 1980; on exoleti, Williams 2010, 90–93.
19.Sources at Newlands 2002, 112n85; on Earinus, see also Vout 2007, 167–212. On Earinus and the sexual use of child slaves in Martial, Statius, and Philostratus, see Richlin 2015, 358, 363–366.
20.For full discussion, see Gunderson 2000, 149–186, on Lucian, especially on the Rhetoric Teacher; on Roman texts, see Gunderson 2005; Jope 2009; Walters 1998; and Williams 2010, 177–245, with further bibliography.
21.On Sotades and kinaidologoi, see Bettini 1982; Cameron 1995, 18–20. For the tombstone of a kinaidologos, see Van Nijf 2001, 330.
22.Many thanks to Mario Telò for elucidating this passage.
CHAPTER 9
1.See, in particular, Schmitz 1997; Whitmarsh 2001, 90–130.
2.On the epigraphic evidence, see Puech 2002, and on the papyri, see Cribiore 2001 and Morgan 1998.
3.Philostratus alludes to similar practices among teachers of rhetoric: Damianus waived fees for students in financial difficulty (VS 606), but only for those who had traveled from other cities and were thus cannot have been poor by general standards.
4.Children could be taught in religious buildings, private houses (Aelius Aristides claims to have taught from his sick-bed), even in tombs (Cribiore 2001, 23–34; Aristid. Sacred Tales 1.64; Philostr. VS 618–619).
5.The letter from a student to his father in POxy. 2190 (late first, early second century CE) notes the lack of good teachers in Alexandria.
6.On arithmetic, see Cribiore 2001, 180–183.
7.Alexander of Cotiaion served as tutor to the young Marcus Aurelius (Med. 1.10). See also Philostratus VS 599–600 on Apollonius of Naucratis and Lucian, On Salaried Posts.
8.On history, see Gibson 2004. On a third-century teacher of geometry, see Kleijwegt 1991, 90. Girls do not seem to have attended formal schools and would have received training in grammar and rhetoric only through private tuition. They were not, however, totally cut off from the world of the schools attended by male relatives: Aelius Aristides’s funeral oration for his pupil Eteoneus depicts the boy’s mother as taking an active part in his education. On girls’ education in general, see Cribiore 2001, 83–101, and on the evidence for educated women, see Bowie 1994.
9.The age of pupils at the different stages is difficult to determine.
10.See Cribiore 2001, 179 and 132–137, and Morgan 1998, 39–49.
11.On the use of poetry in rhetorical training, see Cribiore 2007, 159–165, and Webb 2011. It is true that poetry gained greater prominence in Late Antique education but there is no need to assume that second-century practice was dramatically different. See also, below, on Herodes Atticus’s Clepsydrion fellowship.
12.Sextus Empiricus Against the Grammarians, 277–320.
13.According to Suet. Gram. et rhet. 25.4 and Quint. Inst. 1.9, Roman grammarians taught all or some of the Progymnasmata.
14.Aelius Aristides notes that Alexander of Cotiaion wrote a treatise on Aesop, suggesting that this author featured in the grammarian’s schools.
15.Theon Prog. 74.24–75.16.
16.Theon Prog. 78.16–21.
17.On the rhetorical uses of ekphrasis in particular, see Webb 2009.
18.Lib. Prog. 5.2 and 6.3.
19.On the date, see Theon Progymnasmata: Patillon and Bolognesi 1997, cxxxvi–clii.
20.Theon Prog. 13.
21.Theon Prog. 72.4–7. On Quintilian, see Bloomer 2011.
22.On the imagery of wax and impressions see Morgan 1998, 259–260, and Chiron 2013.
23.Lucian, Somn. 2. On modeling as a metaphor for Lucian’s activity, see Romm 1990.
24.Lib. Prog. 8.4.
25.This type of use was not restricted to authors of the hyperelite: the text of the Charition mime, an example of popular theater, makes use of literary hypotexts. See Hall 2013, 119–128.
26.It is hard to know how many years were devoted to each stage of training. Libanius speaks of boys spending only two years at his school; see Cribiore 2007, 323–327.
27.Hermog. On Issues, 33.
28.For examples, see Heath 1995, 189–191, 209–211, 223–230.
29.Ps.-Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Mistakes in Declamation (Dion. Hal. Rhet. 359–374).
30.Philostr. VS 604. The term neoi is used by Theon of the students of the elementary stages of rhetorical training and by Plutarch of the young readers of poetry. See Lalanne 2006, 71, on the difficulty of assigning ages to these terms.
31.On the importance of studying with the “right” teacher, see Lucian, The Ignorant Book Collector, 3, with the analysis of Johnson 2010, 161–163.
32.See also Bloomer 2011, 122–124, on anxieties about pederasty in Quintilian’s discussion of education.
CHAPTER 10
1.For good discussion, see Pritchard 2003, e.g., 302: “physical education manifestly remained an established element of the normative and traditional paideia . . . of young Athenians throughout the classical period,” with references in n61.
2.For Plato’s views on athletic training, see among others Jüthner 1909, 37–43; Kyle 1987, 137–140; Meinburg 1975.
3.For overviews, with numerous examples of all the phenomena mentioned below, see Delorme 1960, 316–336; Forbes 1945, 33–37; Gauthier 2010, 93–94; König 2005, 49–51 and 65; Scholz 2004.
4.See Newby 2005, 243 (with further references, and plan at fig. 8.4, p. 237).
5.See Scholz 2004, 125–128.
6.See Kennell 2010, 177–178 for the point that the decline in inscriptional evidence for the ephebeia in the Roman period is not a sign of a decline in the importance of the institution itself.
7.IG XII.9.234 = SIG3 II 714, lines 8–12; and see Scholz 2004, 110 for brief discussion.
8.IG II2.2119.1
26–134; and see Newby 2005, 178, noting also that the inscription refers to exhortatory speeches (logoi protreptikoi) given at the beginning of the contests (the logos protreptikos delivered to athletes is one of the standard categories of speech making discussed in Ps-Dionysius’s Ars Rhetorica [speech 7] = Russell and Wilson 1981, 377–381); and cf. 198 for another example from IG II2.2291, where the speaker is an ephebe (who is also acting by virtue of his wealth as agonothete—i.e., benefactor—for the festival at which he performs).
9.For examples see, among many others, König 2005, 127–131; van Nijf 2004, 214.
10.See Newby 2005, 230–246 (and note also 243 for statues of the Muses in gymnasia); also Themelis 2001 for several examples from Messene.
11.See Newby 2005, 188–192, setting that argument in the context of other ephebic celebrations of Athens’s military past.
12.See Newby 2005, 192–200, noting other links between the ephebes and the story of Theseus in addition; cf. Themelis (2001) 124.
13.See Ewald 2004, 244–247.
14.See König 2005 305–315 for a survey of the social status and educational level of ancient trainers: the evidence suggests quite a wide spectrum.
15.See Newby 2005, 174; in one of her examples (Fig. 6.4, p. 176, IG II2.2208) the cosmêtês has a pile of bookrolls at his feet—presumably a sign of his intellectual accomplishment.
16.E.g., see van Nijf 1997, 42n54 and 59n144 on I. Smyrna 246.
17.See König 2005, 313–314.
18.See Pl. Resp. 406a.
19.See König 2005, 309–312.
20.Cf. Galen, Thrasyboulos 43, K5.888.
21.POxy. 3.466; for translation, see Miller 2004, 32, no. 36; and Poliakoff 1986, 161–163, with commentary at 165–171.
22.E.g., see Rogers 1991 on ephebic involvement in the festival founded by Vibius Salutaris in Ephesus in the first century CE (I. Eph. 27).
23.See Potter 1999, 258–283; van Nijf 2007.
24.See Hall and Milner 1994, 8–30 (section B); also van Nijf 2004, esp. 203–204; Newby 2005, 252.
25.Cf. Ael VH 4.9 for a story about the philosopher Plato attending the games at Olympia: even if we accept that the story is unlikely to be true, it still illustrates nicely the widespread assumption that philosophical and athletic interests could stand side by side.
26.See König 2005, 158–204.
27.For a good example, see the opening lines of IG XIV.1102 (translated by Miller 2004, 171–172, no. 213).
28.See Schmitz 1997, 63–66 for that argument in relation to the sophists.
29.See König 2014; also Tell 2007 for the classical tradition.
30.See Philostr. VS 2.1, 550 and Pausanias 1.19.6 (with König 2009a, 84–85); and cf. Pausanias 2.1.7–8 for his benefactions at Isthmia; and Lucian, Peregrinus 19 for Olympia.
31.See Philostr. VS 2.1, 565–566 for Herodes’s funeral; also 2.1, 550 for his ephebic benefactions (with further discussion by Newby 2005, 192–200; also on honors given by the ephebeia to Herodes in return).
32.See Whitmarsh 2001, 188–190; and on athletic metaphors for other areas of intellectual accomplishment, see König 2005, 132–139 (on philosophical training) and 2010, 282–283.
33.See König 2005, 15–16.
34.Key passages include Xenophanes fr. 2 (IE 2.186–187 = Miller 2004 182–183, no. 229); Eur. Autol. fr. 282 (TGF pp. 441–442 = Miller 2004, 183, no. 230); Isocrates, Panegyricus 1–2; and see König 2005, 57–58 for overview; also Galen, Protrepticus 10, K1.23–25 for an example of an imperial author quoting classical views (in this case the Euripides fragment) in support of his own views.
35.E.g., see Gymnasticus 1–2 and König 2007.
36.Cf. Jüthner 1909, 94–97.
37.Cf. Van Hoof 2010, 238–239.
38.See esp. Quaest. conv. 2.1.
39.E.g., see Thrasyboulos 46, K5.894–896.
40.See Van Hoof 2010, 211–213 for brief introductory discussion of the relationship between philosophy and medicine, and between Galen and Plutarch; and 214–218 for analysis of this opening section and its implications for understanding Plutarch’s relationship with medicine.
41.See Van Hoof 2010, 232–234 for brief discussion.
42.See esp. Protrepticus 13, K 1.32–37; Thrasyboulos 46, K5.894.
43.Cf. von Staden 2000, esp. 359–360 on the therapeutic uses of reading aloud in the medical writing of Celsus.
CHAPTER 11
1.There is an excellent collection and commentary of these inscriptions in Puech 2002.
2.There is some debate whether the dedicatee was Gordian I or Gordian III, but the chronological difference between these two is only slight; see Jones 2002.
3.On Philostratus, see Anderson 1986, Bowie and Elsner 2009.
4.On this anecdote, see Eshleman 2012, 40–41, 125; Korenjak 2000, 140–141; Whitmarsh 2005, 30–32. Text and translation of Philostratus’s Lives of the Sophists are quoted from Wright 1921; occasionally, I have slightly modified his translation.
5.The exact date is difficult to determine; see the discussions of his career in Avotins 1975 and Puech 2002, 309–310.
6.See Eshleman 2012, 132: he must have been an eminent teacher and speaker, though not much is known about him, and Philostratus does not provide a biography of him.
7.Quintilian 11.3.137–49 gives elaborate rules about the proper dress code for a public speaker—a clear indication that this was considered important both by performers and their audience.
8.Lucian, The Professor of Public Speaking 15. Cribiore 2007 is right to remind us that the ironical stance of this satire is more difficult to define than many critics have seen; see also Zweimüller 2008. Cf. Antoninus’s disapproval of the sophist Alexander as “the fellow who is always arranging his hair, cleaning his teeth, and polishing his nails, and always smells of perfume”; and see Gleason 1995, 74–76.
9.Korenjak 2000, 27–33; cf. Eshleman 2012, 25–28.
10.Aristid. Or. 51.31–34; cf. Dio Chrys. Or. 32.2, 20 or Lib. Or. 1.87.
11.See Korenjak 2000, 42–46.
12.For details see Webb, chapter 9 in this volume.
13.Philostratus’s florid language and/or our lack of familiarity with the details of everyday school life prevent us from getting a clear picture of just what is involved. Philostratus says that Megistias talked to Hippodromus διακωδωνίσας . . . τὰ μειράκια. These words have puzzled commentators; they may mean “after having dismissed his students” or “after having examined his students”; cf. Rothe 1989, 239.
14.See Rothe 1989, 23.
15.Many details remain unknown; see the discussions in Avotins 1975; Rothe 1989, 19–27, 39–40. If Puech 2002, 456–457 is right in her interpretation of an inscription from Ephesus (I. Ephesos 1548), cities were competing for the services of famous sophists not unlike modern universities compete for academic stars.
16.See, e.g., Nicagoras’s proud declaration of being a “sophist on the chair” (epi tēs kathedras sophistēs) in IG II2.3814 and the interpretation in Puech 2002, 358–359.
17.Cf. VS 1.21, 521: Scopelian receives the equally impressive amount of 180,000 from Herodes Atticus and his father Atticus for an extempore declamation.
18.The same negative attitude toward wage earning can be seen, e.g., in Lucian’s On Hired Academics, see Eshleman 2012, 79–83.
19.See, e.g., VS 1.12, 514; 2.25, 608; 2.32, 625; cf. 2.23, 605.
20.The literature on the relation between philosophy and (second) sophistic is vast. Recently, Kasulke 2005, esp. 49–187, has tried to show that there was no real opposition between these two, but his arguments fail to convince; against, see Lauwers 2014, Schmitz 2013, and Sidebottom 2009.
21.See, e.g., VS praef., 479; 1.9, 492; 1.24, 528; 2.9, 525; 2.27, 616.
22.Eshleman 2010, 125–148 gives a very good overview; lots of valuable information can be found in Naechster 1908.
23.Russell 1983, 26n38 rightly points out that magic is common in Greek literature during the first centuries CE (Lucian and the novel)
, but relatively rare in declamation; however, cf. Philostr. VS 2.10, 590; Ps.-Hermogenes, Inv. 3.10: “A magician asks for a girl’s hand in marriage. When her father refuses, she falls in love with a ghost; the magician is accused of poisoning her.”
24.As Rothe 1989, 242–243 and Korenjak 2000, 75 think.
25.On this aspect of Philostratus’s Lives of the Sophists, see Schmitz 2009.
26.See, e.g., VS 2.5, 572: “[Alexander] made a further wonderful display of his marvellous powers in what now took place. For the sentiments that he had so brilliantly expressed before Herodes came he now recast in his presence, but with such different words and different rhythms, that those who were hearing them for the second time could not feel that he was repeating himself.” Cf. Russell 1983, 84–86.
27.On the depiction of competition in Philostratus, see König 2011.
28.Anderson 1993, 124.
29.See Van Hoof 2010, 234–235.
30.On competitiveness and ambition in imperial Greek culture, see Fisher and van Wees 2011; Roskam, De Pourcq, and Van der Stockt 2012.
31.On euergetism, see Veyne 1990, Zuiderhoek 2009.
32.See, e.g., I. Smyrna 2.635 for the sophist Lollianus. As Puech 2002, 333n1 points out, the hyperbolic and illogical monos kai prôtos had already been satitirized by Lucian.
33.Advice about Keeping Well 133 E; cf. Van Hoof 2010, 237–240.
34.Eshleman 2012, 7–10 provides a very perceptive reading of this passage.
35.On physiognomy in the Second Sophistic, see the brilliant remarks of Gleason 1995, 55–81.
36.See Rothe 1989, 83–4.
37.See Castelli 2001.
38.VS 1.21, 518 and 2.1, 565.
39.On him, see Schmitz 1997, 190–193; Swain 1996, 80–83.
40.Cf. Puech 2002, 29–31; Schmitz 1997, 136–146.
41.VS 2.1, 564; what is meant is he that he is one of the canonical classical orators.
42.See Bowie 1970, which is still relevant.
CHAPTER 12
1.For the date, see Harrison 2000, 123.
The Oxford Handbook of the Second Sophistic Page 111