109“its youth”: Brew to Stauble, February 3, 1939; Brew to Heinzmann, February 2, 1939, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Box 4, F.4, Peabody Museum.
109“the box containing”: Heinzmann to Brew, February 15, 1939; Stauble to Brew, January 27, 1939, #995-11, Awatovi Records, Box 4, F.4, Peabody Museum.
109“a good many years”: Watson Smith, One Man’s Archaeology, a self-published 1984 typescript in the archives of the Catherine McElvaine Library, School for Advanced Research, Santa Fe, 123–124.
110“chief of the badger clan”: Brew in Camp Journal, May 26, June 20, June 22, 1939, in #995-11, Box 7, F.5, Awatovi Collections, Peabody Museum.
111“Indians Ask Science to Leave”: Byron Adams, undated and un-sourced newspaper clipping, #995-11, Awatovi Collection, Box 5, F.16, Peabody Museum.
111“with the fieldwork finished”: Davis, Remembering Awatovi, 188–189; Brew, “Preliminary Report of the Peabody Museum Awatovi Expedition of 1939,” Plateau 13, no. 3 (1941): 39–48, 48.
CHAPTER 6: YOU WILL FIND ME POOR, WHILE YOU RETURN IN THE GRANDEUR OF PLENTY
113“It is not hard to see”: Jerrold E. Levy, Orayvi Revisited: Social Stratification in an “Egalitarian” Society (Santa Fe, NM: SAR Press, 1992), quote 29.
114“exploring the site thoroughly”: “Reunion,” in Smith, One Man’s Archaeology, 341-5 to 341-7; “Watson Smith: Oral History,” conducted by Constance Silver, July 31, 1978,” typescript, #995-11, Awatovi Historical Materials, Box 24, F.1, Peabody Museum.
117“Many men’s ages shall pass”: “The Pahanna Myth and Prophecy,” quoted in Richard O. Clemmer, “‘Then Will You Rise and Strike my Head from My Neck’: Hopi Prophecy and the Discourse of Empowerment,” in American Indian Quarterly 19, no. 1 (1995): 31–73, quotes 31–32.
118“assigns order”: Clemmer, “Then Will You Rise,” quotes 67, 32.
118The Pahanna prophecy: Matthew Restall, Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2004).
119An “Edenic” world: William M. Clements, “‘A Continual Beginning, and Then an Ending, and Then a Beginning Again’: Hopi Apocalypticism in the New Age,” Journal of the Southwest 46, no. 4 (2004): 643–660, commentator *PZ, 658, 645.
120“grafted on to”: Clements, “‘A Continual Beginning,’” quote 645; Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, quote 270.
120The people of Tusayán: For debates and archaeological case studies, see E. Charles Adams, The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1991); Polly Schaafsma, Kachinas in the Pueblo World (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994); Peabody Museum/Hopi Tribe Website on Katsinas, see http://140.247.102.177/katsina/; for violence associated with the period of Katsina origins, see Florence Hawley Ellis, “Patterns of Aggression and the War Cult in the Southwestern Pueblos,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 7, no. 2 (Summer 1951), 177–201; John Ware and Eric Blinman, “The Origin and Spread of Pueblo Ritual Sodalities,” in Michele Hegmon, ed., The Archaeology of Regional Interaction: Religion, Warfare, and Exchange Across the American Southwest & Beyond (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2000): 381–410; Alison R. Freese, “Send in the Clowns: An Ethnohistorical Analysis of the Sacred Clowns’ Role in Cultural Boundary Maintenance Among the Pueblo Indians,” Ph.D. diss., American Studies Department, University of New Mexico, 1991).
121“masks” of classical katsinam figures: The earliest datable Katsina image in the Rio Grande region comes, ironically, from the northern Tiwa Pot Creek Pueblo, ancestral to both today’s Taos and Picurís pueblos, long assumed to have not adopted the Katsina religion. See Kelly Ann Hays (Hays-Gilpin), “Kachina Depictions on Prehistoric Pueblo Pottery,” in Schaafsma, Kachinas in the Pueblo World, 47–62, image, 57, Fig. 6.8; Polly Schaafsma, Warrior, Star, and Shield: Imagery and Ideology of Pueblo Warfare (Santa Fe, NM: Western Edge Press, 2000); Severin Fowles, Chapter Six, “Katsina and Other Matters of Concern,” in An Archaeology of Doings: Secularism and the Study of Pueblo Religion (Santa Fe, NM: SAR Press, 2013).
122“tales of destruction”: Michael Lomatuway’ma, Lorena Lomatuway’ma, and Sidney Namingha, Jr., Hopi Ruin Legends, collected and translated by Ekkhart Malotki (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 75–116.
123That women in the Eastern Pueblos: Michelle Hegmon, Scott G. Ortman, and Jeanette L. Mobley-Tanaka, “Women, Men, and the Organization of Space,” in Patricia L. Crown, ed., Women & Men in the Prehispanic Southwest (Santa Fe, NM: SAR Press, 2001), 43–90, quote 77, see esp. Table 2.3, Dimensions of Women’s Status in the Pueblo Sequence, 86–87; Edward P. Dozier, “Rio Grande Pueblos,” in Edward H. Spicer, ed., Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), 116–117.
124“cycles of evangelism”: Brew, “The History of Awatovi, the Conversion,” in Franciscan Awatovi, quotes 9, 10.
125Like Pahaana, the friars’ methods: Wiget, “Truth and the Hopi,” 184–186; Anton Daughters, “‘Grace Offenses Worthy of Great Punishment’: the Enslavement of Juan Suñi, 1659,” Journal of the Southwest 54, no. 3 (Autumn 2012): 437–452.
125“believed themselves”: Delno C. West, “Medieval Ideas of Apocalyptic Mission and the Early Franciscans in Mexico,” The Americas, 45, no. 3 (January 1989): 293–313, quote 294, 296; see also E. Randolph Daniel, The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975), esp. 26–36; Brett Edward Whalen, Dominion of God: Christendom and Apocalypse in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).
126“split,” or fissioning: Levy, Orayvi Revisited, quote 162.
126“very good church”: Brew, “The History of Awatovi, The Conversion,” in Franciscan Awatovi, quotes 18, 24; John P. Wilson, “Awatovi—More Light on a Legend,” Plateau 44, no. 2 (Winter 1972): 125–130; Clemmer, “Then Will You Rise,” citing Edmund Nequatewa, “Truth of a Hopi and Other Clan Stories of Shungopovi,” Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 8 (1936): 70–94, quote 41.
127Oraibi would retain its prominence: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 31–37; Calhoun quoted in Thomas Donaldson, Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New Mexico: Extra Census Bulletin (Washington, DC: United States Census Printing Office, 1893), 25.
129An invitation: Agent William Mateer, quoted in Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 40.
130David L. Shipley: Agent D. L. Shipley, quoted in Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 74–75.
131In June 1890: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 75.
132Ralph P. Collins: Collins, quoted in Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 77.
132the land allotment program: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 79–81.
133“a restricted and tenuous”: Levy, Oraivi Revisited, quotes 3.
134a series of drought years: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 98.
134Powerful ceremonial clans: Levy, Orayvi Revisited, 8, map of clan lands, Fig. 2, 37; Table of Clan Ranking by Ceremonial Status and Land Holdings, as Well as Membership, Table 3.1, 41; Clemmer, “Then Will You Rise,” quotes 56.
135When it came in 1906: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 107.
136Finally, on September 6: Ibid., 109.
136The women and children: Ibid., 108–109.
137An anxious stalemate: Ibid., 110–111.
137Perry declined: Ibid., 113–114.
138Yet this version: Ibid., 264–265.
139Of course, internal politics: Ibid., 269.
140“A corollary of Pahaana’s return”: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 269–272.
140tool of religious leaders: Clemmer, “Then Will You Rise,” 58.
CHAPTER 7: ACROSS THIS DEEP AND TROUBLED LAND
142“Aliksa’i. They say”: Malotki, Hopi Tales of Destruction, quote 143.
142“laden with actors”: Ekkehart Malotki, Hopi Ruins Legends, x, quoting Christopher Vecsey, from Imagine Ourselves Richly: Mythic Narratives of North American Indians (New York: Crossroad Publishing Co., 1988), quote 24.
143Palatkwapi (Red-Walled City . . .): Patrick D. L
yons, Ancestral Hopi Migrations (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2003), 89–90, quote from T. J. Ferguson, and Micah Lomaomvaya, Hoopoq’yaqam niqw Wukoskyai (Those Who Went to the Northeast and Tonto Basin): Hopi-Salado Cultural Affiliation Study (Kykotsmovi, AZ: Hopi Cultural Preservation Office, 1999), 78; Bernardini, Hopi Oral Tradition, 74–80.
144Founded by a coalition: Courlander, “The Destruction of Palatkwapi,” in The Fourth World of the Hopis: The Epic Story of the Hopi Indians as Preserved in their Legends and Traditions (New York: Crown Publishers, 1971), quote 57; Edmund Nequatewa, “The Legend of Palotquopi,” in Edmund Nequatewa, “Truth of a Hopi,” quote 77.
147The destruction of Palatkwapi: Bernardini, Hopi Oral Tradition, quotes 75–76; on Balolokong, see David A. Phillips, Jr., Christine S. Vanpool, and Todd L. Vanpool, “The Horned Serpent in the North American Southwest,” in David A. Phillips, Jr., Christine S. Vanpool, and Todd L. Vanpool, eds., Religion in the Puebloan Southwest (Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 2006), 17–30.
148One of those villages: This narrative is created from two accounts that conform closely to one another in the broad details of the destruction of Hovi’itstuyqa. The author has blended each for the richest details and conformation with later ethnographic accounts. See Edmund Nequatewa, “The Destruction of Elden Pueblo, A Hopi Story,” Plateau 28, no. 2 (1955): 37–45; Malotki, “The End of Hovi’itstuyqa,” in Hopi Tales of Destruction, 97–123. I have not followed Nequatewa’s association of Hovi’itstuyqa with Elden Pueblo, near Flagstaff, AZ, since its dating and distance from the likely setting on Anderson Mesa/Chavez Pass make it an unlikely candidate, and since Hopis have a different name for Elden today (Pasiwvi), and in the clear identification that the region in which this drama unfolded was Nuvakwewtaqa, the Hopi term for the Chavez Pass (see ibid., 97).
154The biological necessity: Southwestern archaeologists estimate, through computer modeling, that Ancestral Puebloan communities of interaction required at least 475 participants to ensure “enough potential mates to constitute a demographically stable social unit.” Few villages in the fourteenth century had populations this large, thus requiring the interaction with neighbors to create new families. See Nancy M. Mahoney, “Redefining the Scale of Chacoan Communities,” in John Kantner and Nancy M. Mahoney, eds., Great House Communities Across the Chacoan Landscape (Tucson: Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, no. 64, 2000), 19–27.
155The people of Tupats’ovi: Harold Colton and Edmund Nequatewa, “The Ladder Dance: Two Traditions of an Extinct Hopi Ceremonial,” Museum of Northern Arizona Notes 5, no. 2 (1932): 5–12; Malotki, Hopi Ruin Legends, 87, n. 1
155courtships and marriage: See Edmund Nequatewa, “Hopi Courtship and Marriage: Second Mesa,” Museum Notes, Museum of Northern Arizona 9, no. 3 (1933), esp. 3, where is discussed the fact that parents are always alert for the use of witchcraft by maidens to attract husbands.
157famous Ladder Dance: Edmund Nequatewa, “The Ladder Dance at Pivanhokyapi,” in Truth of a Hopi, 107–112, reference to California Indians, 112; Malotki, “The Abandonment of Huk’ovi,” in Hopi Tales of Destruction, 90–96.
161the story of Huk’ovi’s abandonment: Malotki, “The Abandonment of Huk’ovi,” Introduction, 69–90, quotes 70, 77.
163“no one belonged to anyone”: Bernardini, Hopi Oral Tradition, 44–48, quotes 47, 48.
164Sityatki was no longer occupied: Steven A. LeBlanc, “Regional Interaction and Warfare in the Late Prehistoric Southwest,” in Michelle Hegmon, ed., The Archaeology of Regional Interaction: Religion, Warfare and Exchange Across the American Southwest and Beyond (Boulder: University Press of Colorado 2000), 41–70, quotes 58–59; Malotki, “Introduction: The Demise of Sikyatki,” in Hopi Tales of Destruction, 55–58.
164“was so enchanted”: Malotki, “The Demise of Sityatki,” in Hopi Tales of Destruction, 57.
166material tensions were second: Malotki, “The Demise of Sikyatki,” 59–68; for the Hopi footracing tradition, see Matthew Sakiestewa Gilbert, “Hopi Footraces and American Marathons, 1912–1930,” American Quarterly 62, no. 1 (March 2010): 77–101.
170an end to the koyaanisqatsi: Malokti, on koyaanisqatsi, 55–58.
CHAPTER 8: LIMINAL MEN, LIMINAL SOULS
171“Time after time”: Yava, Big Falling Snow, quotes 37, 95.
172“If lucky enough”: Ibid., quotes 6–7.
173“On the first day”: Ibid., quote 10.
174“white man’s style”: Ibid., quotes 11, 12.
175Chilocco Indian School: Ibid., quotes 15–16. For a history of the Chilocco Indian School, see K. Tsianina Lomawaima, They Called it Prairie Light: The Story of the Chilocco Indian School (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995).
175“well educated”: Yava, Big Falling Snow, quotes 18–19.
177“Okay, then, go back”: Ibid., quotes 24–25.
178“the people of the Hopi villages”: Ibid., quote 26.
178“husbands and wives”: Ibid., quote 27.
178“it was because there were so many”: Ibid., quotes 28–29.
179“little mirrors reflecting”: Ibid., quotes 29–31.
180“according to the clans”: Ibid., quotes 33–34.
181“you can see that we aren’t”: Ibid., quotes 34–35.
182“the actual year”: Courlander in ibid., 144, n. 6. See also Irving Panabale, Big Standing Flower: The Life of Irving Panabale, an Arizona Tewa Indian (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2001), ed. Robert A. Black, who notes that “The Tanos/Tewas were reported to be at First Mesa in 1701 and most likely were involved in the attack on Awatovi,” xxiv. Yava’s reference to Awat’ovi being a “Laguna” village seems to mean that its founding clan, at least (Bow Clan) may have been Keresan speakers, since Laguna Pueblo itself, on the San Jose River just east of Grants, New Mexico, was not founded until 1697, by a mixed group of Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Cieneguilla, and Jemez (Towa) refugees from the punishments visited upon the 1696 rebels, who first took shelter with Acoma Keresans, then hived off (along with some Acomas) to found the new village of Laguna, or Kawaik’a (named for the old lake behind a beaver dam) in 1697. The Spanish established a small church as a visita of the Acoma Mission in 1707, when the population was 330 souls. The village grew rapidly, thanks to its location on the main east-west trail from the Spanish colony to Zuni and Hopi, and by 1782 exceeded Acoma in population. At that point Acoma was converted to a visita of the Laguna Mission. Florence Hawley Ellis, “Laguna Pueblo,” in Alfonso Ortiz, ed., Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1979), 438–449; for the challenges to understanding the social mosaic at Hopi in the fourteenth century, see Bernardini, Hopi Oral Tradition, 160–178, quotes 161–162; Kelly Hayes-Gilpin, “All Roads Lead to Hopi,” in C. Bonfiglioli et al., eds., Las vías del noroeste, II: Propuesta para una perspectiva sistèmica e interdisciplinaria (Mexico City: UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, 2008), 65–82; Andrew Duff, Western Pueblo Identities: Regional Interaction, Migration, and Transformation (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2002), 159–192, esp. 184.
183“Pax Chaco”: Bernardini, Hopi Oral Tradition, quotes 173–175.
184“Kawaikas, Payupkis”: Yava, Big Falling Snow, quotes 88–89.
184“get rid of the Castillas”: Ibid., quotes 90–91.
185a bow Clan man”: Ibid.
185“full of evil”: Ibid., quotes 92–93.
187the Tobacco Clan leader: The Tobacco Clan leader is identified as Ta’polo by Whiteley (drawing upon Lomatuway’ma et al., Hopi Ruin Legends, 406–409), and, although these accounts claim Ta’polo died as an act of self-sacrifice at Awat’ovi, Whiteley was taken into the Tobacco Clan house and shown the Taatawkyam (Kwan, or Singers Society) kiva at Walpi in 1995. Whiteley doesn’t believe that Ta’polo could have held the office of kikmongwi, since that would have been reserved for Bow Clan (founding) members, nor the kalatekmongwi (War Chief), as that office more likely would be held by a member of the Badger,
Reed/Eagle, or Coyote Clan. Thus he sees Ta’polo as probably the tsa’kmongwi, “advisor and formal announcer for the Kikmongwi (also called Crier Chief )”; see also Harold Courlander, Hopi Voices: Recollections, Traditions, and Naratives of the Hopi Indians (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 57–60. Whiteley, “Re-imagining Awat’ovi,” quote 154.
188“he moved into the newly established”: Yava, Big Falling Snow, quotes 93–95.
190“the Badger Clan”: For Francisco’s clan identity, see Whiteley, “Re-imagining Awat’ovi,” 154–155.
190If Francisco de Espeleta: Ibid., 147–166; for Francisco de Espeleta as executioner of Padre Espeleta, see Espinosa, Crusaders of the Rio Grande, 348, n. 11.
191“professing a readiness”: Whiteley, Deliberate Acts, 19–20, quoting Bandelier 1889: 221–222; Brew, “Spaniards at Awatovi,” Franciscan Awatovi (Declaration of Enríquez), May 1664, quotes 16, 17–18, 21.
192“not as subjects and vassals”: Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530–1888, vol. 17 (San Francisco: The History Co., 1889), quote 222.
192“all sorts of things”: Charles Wilson Hackett, Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution, 1937), 385–386; Ralph Emerson Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico (Cedar Rapids, IA: Torch Press, 1914), 419, n. 422.
193“I myself have listened”: Yava quote from Courlander, Hopi Voices, in “Hopi Religion and the Missionaries,” Southwest Crossroads website: http://southwestcrossroads.org/record.php?num=574 (accessed July 7, 2014).
194“young European man”: Montgomery, “Functional Analysis of the Franciscan Buildings,” in Franciscan Awatovi, 178–179.
194“could have been accomplished”: Ibid., quotes 179–180. The author’s notion that this could be the body of a “pious comrade” reburied by Spanish soldiers “on one of the several occasions when they were in the vicinity of Aguatubi during the Reconquista” seems far-fetched, given the clear presence of Hopi material culture with the body, and the bundled nature of the interment.
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