14. O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, chap. 4 and 5; Report of the Departmental Committee into the Housing Conditions of the Working Classes in the City of Dublin, appendix 15; Yeates, Lockout, chap. 9.
15. McManus, Dublin, p. 23–4.
16. Father Finlay’s 1901 quotation is from Pašeta, Before the Revolution. The 1914 quotation is from the Irish Times, 7 March 1914.
17. Housing Committee, Dublin Corporation Reports, 1914, vol. 3.
18. For a discussion of the falling numbers of Protestants in Dublin during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries see Hill, From Patriots to Unionists, p. 291–5; O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 39–40; Pašeta, Before the Revolution, p. 82.
19. Yeates, Lockout, p. 440–46.
20. Most of the details on Dublin’s Protestant community are taken from Maguire, ‘The Church of Ireland and the problem of the Protestant working class of Dublin, 1870s–1930s,’ in Ford, McGuire and Milne, As by Law Established, Maguire, ‘The organisation and activism of Dublin’s Protestant working class, 1883–1935,’ Irish Historical Studies, May 1994, Maguire, ‘A socio-economic analysis of the Dublin working class, 1870–1926,’ Irish Economic and Social History, 20, 1993, and Maguire, ‘The Dublin Working Class, 1870s–1930s: Economy, society, politics,’ in Bartlett, History and Environment.
21. Andrews, Dublin Made Me, p. 9–10.
22. Andrews, Dublin Made Me, p. 20.
23. The gunfire did not prevent the mob from wrecking the Conservative Working Men’s Club premises.
24. Ó Maitiú, W. and R. Jacob, p. 17.
25. Geraghty, William Patrick Partridge and His Times, p. 15–16; Yeates, Lockout, p. 608, n. 6.
26. Goulding was reputedly the richest businessman in Ireland after Lord Iveagh. Ironically, the Belfast shipping magnate Lord Pirrie, a Liberal, threatened to lock out workers if they opposed home rule.
27. Maguire, ‘The Church of Ireland and the problem of the Protestant working class of Dublin, 1870s–1930s,’ in Ford, McGuire and Milne, As by Law Established; Maguire, ‘The organisation and activism of Dublin’s Protestant working class, 1883–1935,’ Irish Historical Studies, May 1994; Maguire, ‘A socio-economic analysis of the Dublin working class, 1870–1926,’ Irish Economic and Social History, 20, 1993; Maguire, ‘The Dublin Working Class, 1870s–1930s: Economy, society, politics,’ in Bartlett, History and Environment. See Greaves, The Life and Times of James Connolly, p. 22–6, Morrissey, Introduction to McKenna, The Social Teachings of James Connolly, p. 14, Newsinger, Rebel City, p. 148, and Murray, Seán O’Casey, p. 34–5.
28. He was also chairman of the Johnston, Mooney and O’Brien bakery and therefore a major employer in the city.
29. Herbert may also have felt circumscribed in what he could say because he was related by marriage to the general officer commanding the forces in Ireland, Sir Arthur Paget.
30. McDowell, Crisis and Decline, p. 33.
31. Up to eighty members of the corps joined the Dublin ‘Pals Battalion’ shortly after the war broke out. Dublin Evening Mail, 14 September 1914.
32. Irish Times, 28 January and 1 and 3 April 1914; Dublin Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1914; Yeates, Lockout, p. 445, 537–8.
33. Yeates, Lockout, p. 423.
34. Nationalist MP for West Belfast and founder of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. See the confidential report on proselytism in the Walsh Papers, Laity File, Dublin Diocesan Archive, for a flavour of the proselytism wars; also Montefiore, From a Victorian to a Modern. For a general overview see Yeates, Lockout, especially chap. 20–23; Irish Times, 26 November 1913.
35. Irish Times, 27 and 28 October 1913.
36. Morrissey, A Man Called Hughes, p. 14–15; Maume, D. P. Moran, p. 19–20; Bolster, The Knights of St Columbanus, chap. 1.
37. Morrissey, William J. Walsh, chap. 12.
38. Yeates, Lockout, p. 85–93.
39. Yeates, Lockout, p. 75.
40. Maume, The Long Gestation, p. 125; Yeates, Lockout, p. 44–5.
41. It is now the head office of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions.
42. Dublin Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report, 1914; Irish Times, 28 January 1914 and 19 February 1914; Yeates, Lockout, p. 104.
43. Bew, Ideology and the Irish Question, p. 16, 47.
44. Yeates, Lockout, p. 102–3.
45. Shane Leslie, ‘Archbishop Walsh,’ in Cruise O’Brien, The Shaping of Modern Ireland.
46. O’Malley, On Another Man’s Wound, p. 23.
Chapter 2: ‘The desolating cloudburst of war’
1. Freeman’s Journal, 4 August 1914, Irish Times, 4 August 1914, Irish Independent, 5 August 1914, Dublin Evening Mail, 5 August 1914, and Irish Times, 14 August 1914.
2. Freeman’s Journal, 1 September 1914.
3. Peter Martin, ‘Dulce et decorum: Irish nobles and the Great War,’ in Gregory and Pašeta, Ireland and the Great War, p. 32–3.
4. Irish Times, 5 August 1914.
5. Ironically, the British government lifted the ban on the importation of arms into Ireland on 5 August, largely in response to complaints from Unionists that their isolated brethren in the South were vulnerable to attack by armed nationalists.
6. Irish Railway Record Society Archive, GSWR, General Correspondence on Great War, Part 1, file 2314.
7. Irish Worker, 22 August 1914; O’Riordan, ‘Connolly reassessed’; O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 252.
8. Dublin Evening Mail, 17 August 1914.
9. Dublin Evening Mail, 17 August 1914; O’Riordan, ‘Connolly reassessed.’ In 1920 Dublin councillors voted unanimously to restore the now dead Kuno Meyer to the city’s roll of freemen.
10. Irish Times, 11 August 1914; Dublin Evening Mail, 21 August 1914.
11. Freeman’s Journal, 21 August 1914.
12. The non-residential unemployment assistance.
13. Irish Times, 11 August 1914; Dublin Corporation Minutes, 10 August 1914.
14. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution.’ The act provided grants of 10 per cent for approved schemes, plus loans repayable at 4½ per cent.
15. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution.’
16. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution.’
17. O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 69.
18. O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 69; McManus, Dublin, p. 46.
19. Irish Independent, 13 August 1914.
20. Irish Independent, 21 September 1914. Despite their name, the United Irishwomen had no republican overtones. The organisation was sponsored by the liberal unionist Horace Plunkett and was a forerunner of the Irish Countrywomen’s Association. Likewise, the Irish Volunteers Aid Association had been set up in the wake of Redmond’s pledge to support the war effort and was dominated by moderate nationalists and members of the gentry, including Anglo-Irish peers such as Viscount Gormanston and the Earl of Fingall.
21. See Eileen Reilly, ‘Women and voluntary war work,’ in Gregory and Pašeta, Ireland and the Great War.
22. Eileen Reilly, ‘Women and voluntary war work,’ in Gregory and Pašeta, Ireland and the Great War; Fingall, Seventy Years Young, p. 363–4. O’Farrelly won the post against stiff opposition; among the unsuccessful candidates was Patrick Pearse. McCartney, UCD, p. 29.
23. Eileen Reilly, ‘Women and voluntary war work,’ in Gregory and Pašeta, Ireland and the Great War.
24. Many of them were placed in workhouses. They do not appear to have stayed long, because of the poor accommodation, and moved to Britain. O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 252; O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 96.
25. Eileen Reilly, ‘Women and voluntary war work,’ in Gregory and Pašeta, Ireland and the Great War.
26. Eileen Reilly, ‘Women and voluntary war work,’ in Gregory and Pašeta, Ireland and the Great War.
27. Irish Independent, 21 September 1914; Keane, Ishbel, p. 219–20.
28. Asquith Papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford, ms. 38
, f. 236.
29. An indication of Lady Aberdeen’s wide range of friends, and poor political judgement, was that among her confidants was Margaret MacNeill, sister of Eoin MacNeill, first chief of staff of the Irish Volunteers.
30. Irish Independent, 21 September 1914; ‘Redmond’s double-refusal to Lord Kitchener,’ in Tierney, Eoin MacNeill, p. 151.
31. Though a founder-member of the Volunteers and secretary of the organisation, Kettle was a moderate nationalist. His father, Andrew Kettle, had been a leading member of the Land League and a Parnellite; his brother Tom was a former Irish Party MP, professor of national economics at University College, Dublin, and a leading commentator on public affairs. Kettle himself served in a number of senior posts with Dublin Corporation, including Treasurer and manager of the municipal power station in Ringsend.
32. Martin, The Irish Volunteers, p. 152–5.
33. O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 241.
34. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 37.
35. Augusteijn, From Public Defiance to Guerrilla Warfare, p. 51. He accepts the low figure of 350 from the statements of some former Dublin Volunteers in the Ernie O’Malley papers, while police intelligence figures are noticeably higher. The police had obvious reasons for exaggerating the nature of the threat; but four thousand men joined the Volunteers at the launch in November 1913, long before the movement had Redmond’s blessing. Large numbers were also mobilised for the Howth and Kilcoole gun-running, and the indications are that the militants hung on to the rifles. This suggests that there was a substantial appetite for militant nationalism in Dublin. DMP estimates may include Citizen Army and Fianna Éireann members.
36. Dublin Castle Special Branch File, National Archives, CO 904/193/1.
37. Dublin Castle Special Branch File, National Archives, CO 904/193/1.
38. Ashe Papers, mss 46,788, NLI. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 32.
39. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 35.
40. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 56.
41. O’Farrelly wanted to reduce the Coiste Gnótha to 25, but an amendment proposed by Éamon de Valera to reduce it to 30 was accepted. De Valera was perceived as less radical than Ashe, who unsuccessfully proposed increasing the size of the committee to 35.
42. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 29.
43. Irish Freedom, November 1913. Blythe had moved from his native Magheragall, Co. Antrim, to work as a boy clerk in the Department of Justice and was soon immersed in radical nationalism. He was inducted into the IRB and worked for a season on the Ashe family farm in Co. Kerry to learn Irish.
44. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause.
45. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 41–2.
46. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, especially chap. 15.
47. Ashe Papers, mss 46,788. The comments were actually made to a Gaelic League meeting in Cork as Ashe was about to depart for America. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 63.
48. Ashe Papers, mss 46,788/2, NLI. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 66; Hugh Oram, “An Irishman’s Diary,” Irish Times, 24 February 2005.
49. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 66; Cathal O’Shannon, Evening Press, 15 September 1961.
50. See, for instance, Bureau of Military History, Witness Statements, WS 284, Michael Staines. The venue was the Broadmeadow Estuary, just north of Malahide.
51. Ó Lúing, I Die in a Good Cause, p. 72.
52. 20,000 Dublin servicemen would survive to be demobilised in 1918.
53. O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 245. From 1899 to 1913, 12,561 men joined the regular army in the Dublin recruiting area, compared with 8,067 in Belfast. The total recruitment figure for Ireland was 44,975.
54. Daly, Dublin, p. 102–7; O’Brien, Dear, Dirty Dublin, p. 199–210.
55. Yeates, Lockout, Prologue, xxii. Irish Times, 7 March 1914. Dublin Evening Post, 14 September 1914. Not only did dockers earn a bonanza in overtime in August 1914, but ITGWU records suggest that many men blacklisted during the lock-out were re-employed on a temporary basis. Ms 3097, NLI.
56. Dooley, Irishmen or English Soldiers?, Introduction.
57. Dublin Evening Mail, 8 August 1914; Strachan, The First World War, vol. 1, p. 160.
58. The chief medical officer for Dublin, Sir Charles Cameron, attributed the ‘Pals’ soubriquet to the Dublin music-hall entertainer Alfred ‘the Great’ Vance, whose song ‘He’s a Pal o’ Mine’ was a great favourite with Dublin audiences. In fact several wartime battalions in Britain had already been given this nickname. Cameron, whose father and sons served as officers in the British army, believed Vance’s ‘song clung to public memory’ and was adopted by ‘the heroic 7th Battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers … How little Dublin thought when it chanted and whistled that song which Vance sung many years ago, at the Rotunda, that the name of “The Pals” was destined to thus live in the fighting record of our island story.’ Cameron Papers.
59. Findlater, Findlater’s, p. 252.
60. Dublin Evening Mail, 18 August 1914; Orr, Field of Bones, p. 25.
61. Dublin Evening Mail, 25 and 28 September 1914.
62. Novick, Conceiving Revolution, 84.
63. Hart, The IRA at War, p. 118–9.
64. Some 7 per cent of the population of the city joined up, compared with 2 per cent of the county. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 44–5 and appendix 3. Dublin’s recruitment level was exceeded only by Belfast and Derry. Dooley, Irishmen or English Soldiers?, p. 7.
65. Reservists were paid between 3s 6d and 7s a week and were liable for annual training camps as well as military duty for up to twelve years after being discharged.
66. See, for example, the case of Francis Fitzpatrick of the Paving Department, whose half pay was stopped in mid-1915 on the grounds that his family were not enduring any hardship. Dublin Corporation Minutes, 1915, p. 13; Dublin Corporation Reports, 1915, vol. 2, p. 279, 378.
67. Arthur Guinness, Commemorative Roll. The figure for officers includes a small number of cadets and warrant officers. Murray, ‘The First World War and a Dublin distillery workforce.’
68. Irish Railway Record Society Archive, European War, General Correspondence, Part 1, file 2314; Irish Times, 18 February 1915.
69. Irish Railway Record Society Archive, European War, Recruitment, file 2600.
70. Dublin Corporation Reports, 1916, vol. 1, Report no. 67.
71. Daly, Dublin, p. 109–11; O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 36, 52.
72. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 44–5.
73. Emmet Dalton served as an officer in the Royal Dublin Fusiliers during the First World War and was awarded the Military Cross. His younger brother Charlie joined the Irish Volunteers after the Easter Rising and became a member of the GHQ Intelligence Department. Sergeant William Malone was a reservist in the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and was killed at Mouse Trap Farm on 24 May 1915. A year later his brother Michael Malone, a lieutenant in the Irish Volunteers, was shot by British soldiers while defending Mount Street Bridge during the rising.
74. Andrews, Dublin Made Me, p. 44.
75. Irwin, Betrayal in Ireland, p. 8, 10, 17. The Irwins had a long association with the British army. The author’s grandfather had been an NCO in the East Yorkshire Regiment and his brother served as an officer in the First World War. The maid, Rosie, was married ‘out of the house’ to a soldier as she was an orphan.
Chapter 3: ‘Blood, horror, shrieks and groans’
1. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 9.
2. Strachan, The First World War, p. 867–8.
3. Guinness managed to mitigate some of the worst aspects of the duty later in the war by reducing the specific gravity and thus the alcoholic strength of its stout. Dennison and MacDonagh, Guinness, p. 158–9.
4. Freeman’s Journal and Irish Times, 30 April 1915; Iri
sh Independent, 1 May 1915.
5. Irish Independent, 3 May 1915.
6. Cork Free Press, 1 May 1915, quoted in the Irish Independent of 1 May 1915.
7. O’Flanagan, ‘Dublin City in an Age of War and Revolution,’ p. 14–15; Murray, ‘The First World War and a Dublin distillery workforce’; Saothar, 15, 1990.
8. Cody et al., The Parliament of Labour, p. 111.
9. Clarkson, Labour and Nationalism in Ireland, p. 253.
10. Yeates, Lockout, p. 282–3, 286.
11. Connolly, Workers’ Republic, 12 June 1915.
12. Manifesto to the Electors of College Green, reprinted in the Workers’ Republic.
13. Cody et al., The Parliament of Labour, p. 112.
14. Irish Independent, 12 and 14 June 1915; Mitchell, Labour in Irish Politics, p. 63–6; Cody et al., The Parliament of Labour, p. 111–13; O’Brien, Forth the Banners Go, p. 262–4.
15. Dublin Evening Mail, 15 September 1914.
16. Johnstone, Orange, Green and Khaki, p. 75–9; Irish Independent, 27 April 1915.
17. Johnstone, Orange, Green and Khaki, p. 75–9.
18. Dublin Corporation Minutes, 1915, p. 248.
19. Dublin Corporation Minutes, 1915, p. 410–15; Yeates, Lockout, p. 506–7.
20. Irish Independent, 21 July 1915.
21. Dublin Corporation Minutes, 1915, p. 416–17.
22. Johnston, Home or Away, p. 80. Mahon resumed command of the division shortly afterwards for its Balkan campaign.
23. Orr, Field of Bones, p. 123–32.
24. Irish Independent, 19 August 1915.
25. ‘The Dubsters’ was the title given, only half-jokingly, to an amalgamated battalion of Royal Munster Fusiliers and Royal Dublin Fusiliers at Gallipoli after their losses became too heavy to sustain separate units.
26. Irish Independent, 25 August 1915.
27. Irish Independent, 27 August 1915.
28. Irish Independent, 27 August 1915.
29. Irish Independent, 27 August 1915.
30. Dickinson, The Dublin of Yesterday, p. 69.
31. Dickinson, The Dublin of Yesterday, p. 71.
32. Irish Independent, 28 August 1915.
33. The first letter of condolence Cameron received was from the Catholic parish priest at Haddington Road church, indicating the strong cross-community support that still existed at this time for the war and the sense of mutual loss. Cameron Papers.
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