by Van Torrey
In the grand scheme of things General Fhang’s takeover of the world’s 125th largest economy wouldn’t move the needle much at CIA in Langley, except for the DPRK’s possession of an unknown number of nuclear weapons and the steady advance of her nascent missile delivery systems. These factors made this change of far greater import than the DPRK’s dismal basic economic statistics would indicate. One of General Fhang’s greatest political assets was that he was not tied to the cult-like orthodoxy of the most senior Chong, and thus was not obliged to blindly follow it as did the founder’s offspring.
Economically, North Korea was a backward step-child of the former Soviet Union. With the latter’s demise, it became an economic orphan struggling to survive juxtaposed against a booming, capitalistic-based Asian mega-economy led by Japan, China, and South Korea. Fhang knew that the DPRK would never be a major player in world geopolitics by relying on handouts from China, the United States, and Japan. But such handouts could be helpful in the short term to bridge the gap until he could rebuild the North Korean economy to be more self-sustaining. In order to do this the General knew he had to buy time. The key to this was the Asian Arms Reduction talks that were taking place in Beijing, China. Although North Korea was a party to these negotiations, it was not on the same footing as the other nations. The third generation Chong brothers, led by the elder, and later, less enthusiastically so, by the younger, celebrated their bellicosity like small children clamoring for attention in an adult world by saber-rattling at the proceedings with strategically timed nuclear tests and test launching of various iterations of guided missiles with the potential for delivery of nuclear warheads.
General Fhang had a far more mature view of geopolitics than did the now deposed Chong family. He knew clinging to the isolationist policies of the past while overtly testing their rudimentary nuclear weapons would only make North Korea more of a pariah nation in the eyes of the world while subjecting the DPRK to cruel sanctions imposed by the economies that fed them out of a sense of charity. In Fhang’s view, this was no way to bring a country into the mainstream of world commerce.
After General Fhang consolidated his control over the DPRK his next move was to subtly soften North Korea’s negotiating posture at the Beijing arms control talks. One of the key goals of these strategic negotiations that had sputtered along on and off for the past three years, was the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. After months and years of remaining intransigent about making any concessions on their nuclear weapons development program, even the smallest movement on the part of the DPRK negotiators became cause for cautious optimism by the others. This was a tactic General Fhang would use to his strategic advantage.
The fact was North Korea had enough weapons grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium stored at many secretly constructed sites throughout North Korea to build more than twenty low to medium weapons. Work on miniaturization of warheads to fit on medium range missiles that could hit targets in South Korea and Japan could proceed hidden from the eyes of the most zealous inspectors while development of missile technology proceeded. What the West and China wanted most was for North Korea to cease the manufacture of fissile material in their plutonium reactor and uranium enrichment sites since the availability of such material was the fundamental building block of nuclear weapons and their proliferation.
Nuclear weapons development was a three-legged stool of fissile material inventory, warhead miniaturization, and missile delivery systems. General Fhang was prepared to make concessions on the fissile material aspect, which conveniently dovetailed into one of the main objectives of the six-party talks.
General Fhang’s years of experience in the People’s Army of the DPRK had made him among the hardest of men. His only job as an adult had been that of a North Korean soldier. He had relied on his guile and his instincts to prosper within the cult-worshiping dictatorship of the Chongs. It was perhaps because of this chosen isolation he had survived and advanced to the point of becoming head of the People’s Army. But his isolation was not total. He had a woman. Kim So-song was ten years his junior and had been with him since his early days in the Army, faithfully following him, staying in the background, showing her loyalty to no one else but Fhang. She had only one relative, her brother Colonel Kim Dong-sun, Commander of the North Korean Nuclear Advisory Group stationed in Pakistan.
Over the years, in the security of their living quarters late at night, Fhang would quietly confide with So-song about his plans and vision for The Brilliant New Light, as the slogan for his DPRK would be known throughout North Korea and the rest of the world. “For North Korea to be great and on a par with our brothers to the South, we must move beyond the simplistic cult worship of the past and look forward to a future embracing the realities of the world as it exists today,” he would confide to So-song.
“Does this mean we will be abandoning our Socialist principles?” asked So-song quietly.
“No, we cannot make such an abrupt change so quickly. It will take time, like the quasi-capitalist business revolution evolving in China,” responded Fhang. “But we will become powerful enough to achieve parity with the South, and eventually a unified Korea will be transformed into the preeminent military and economic power in Asia. I intend to unify all Korea under my leadership, and in doing so, break the bonds that tie Korea to the imperialist Americans. Eventually Korea will rule over all Asia, bringing us the dignity and respect that has eluded us for centuries. That is my long term goal.”
“But my General that will mean forsaking the economic system we have lived under since the Great War...” So-song began.
“...And brought us what?” interrupted Fhang forcefully, but with an ironic smile. “We cannot feed ourselves; we cannot compete economically with our neighbors. We are a backward country economically and receive no respect from our Asian brothers, not to mention the arrogant and immoral West.” Then he added, guardedly, “I can say this in confidence to you, So-song, but to no others.”
“But our Army, led by you, my General, is strong and willing to fight,” she countered.
“What you may not understand, So-song, is that we do not have the resources to sustain a fight. True, we have the spirit, but an Army travels on a sustaining river of logistics and supplies. I have studied the military campaigns of World War Two and learned America won the war because they could keep their troops better supplied than Japan and Germany. Even the outclassed Russian Army eventually defeated the Germans, primarily because of Germany’s gradual inability to supply their army far from their homeland.”
“I see, my General. I was never a student. I only believed the Compassionate Leader until I met you,” she answered humbly.
“We will change North Korea, So-song. But we will do so only by stealth and courage. You must believe in me and never question my methods as we move forward together. In turn, I will trust in you as my faithful companion,” Fhang said with uncharacteristic gentleness.
“My General,” So-song asked tentatively, “I have been meaning to ask you for many weeks now, what of my brother, Dong-sun? Will his loyalty to the previous regime allow him to survive the recent purges?”
Fhang paused thoughtfully before responding. “The answer to that may rest with you, So-song. I understand he has been serving us in Pakistan for over three years helping us to acquire and perfect missile technology as well as fissile material management from the Pakistanis. Such services have proved valuable to our military. I must say I do not know him well or his loyalties. Do you think he will be opposed to the recent changes? Please remember, I, too, was loyal to the Chong regime at one time,” he concluded ironically.
So-song let a silent moment pass and looked shyly at the floor before speaking. “My brother’s loyalty to the regime was based on him being able to live most of the time in Pakistan and travel freely between Pyongyang and Islamabad. Now his future is uncertain. I was just asking as he is my only family other than my aging mother.”
“Your brother’s situation i
s of little consequence to me at the moment, So-song,” Fhang replied, his demeanor suddenly turning stern. “I will consider it in due course.”
The next day General Fhang met with his newly appointed Foreign Minister, Lee Rho-yim, and instructed him to fly to Beijing to personally take charge of the North Korean delegation to the arms talks. This change of negotiating representatives would send a signal to the other parties that the North Koreans were about to enter a new phase of bargaining. Their strategy would be to laboriously go over the previous points to which North Korea had previously agreed to remind the others of their good faith up to this point. Then they would dangle a bone in the form of discussing the potential makeup of any United Nations’ inspection teams that might be allowed into the DPRK to inspect for compliance with U.N. non-proliferation standards.
In the end, North Korea presented a draft proposal that would shut down the existing plutonium reactor and shelve plans for another that was in the planning stage. In reply the other five parties pressed for a complete shutdown of the existing uranium enrichment facilities as well. As a show of good faith the North Koreans tentatively agreed to this as their “final answer.” What the others did not know was North Korea had two such secret facilities operating in remote sections of North Korea, unknown to the U.N. inspectors, where most of this work was being done.
The Americans, Japanese, and South Koreans had been previously disappointed by North Korea’s failure to follow through on agreements that had been negotiated, and General Fhang knew his change in position would be suspect. He did intend to show good faith by complying with what he cleverly agreed to. But this would be nothing more than a charade for the activity remaining unseen to the inspectors. He was betting that his emergence as the new power in North Korea after decades of the Chong family’s consistent disregard for substantive international dialogue would win the day for him in Beijing and give him the breathing room he needed to put his vision of The Brilliant New Light in motion.
*
Such was the essence of the draft breakthrough proposal delivered to Jonathan Braxton by Seth Bainbridge, his Senior Arms Negotiator, during the strategy meetings in Honolulu.
Braxton, Rachel Hunter, Philip Johnson, Secretary of State Alexander Randolph, and Director of National Intelligence Raymond Rollins, picked through the limited amount of intelligence available about General Fhang’s coup d’état and the apparent disappearance of any vestiges of the Chong regime. The group was searching for something that would give them insight into the new North Korean leader and his possible motivation for signaling a change.
“Should we take the bait?” asked Braxton bluntly in an attempt to get to a conclusion.
The back and forth continued for several moments before Rachel Hunter finally said, “Let’s not try to overthink this thing, gentlemen. The other guys have a new leader about whom we have very few facts and no experience. My estimate is he has his hands full consolidating power in a possible fluid political situation. Perhaps the worst thing we could do at the moment is to offer resistance to their new proposals. Maybe the best thing we could do is tentatively embrace the proposals, giving Fhang some breathing room. I say, let’s keep the momentum moving in our favor and ask for a few more small concessions. If he stiffens at that, we know this is his best offer, and we can fall back to that. Besides, he’s giving us nearly all we asked for when we started a long time ago.”
Jonathan Braxton quickly agreed with his new Vice-President and said a silent prayer of thanks, knowing he had made a solid choice in the person of Rachel Hunter as his new political partner.
Braxton, sensing that Rachel Hunter’s summation would receive no objection from any of his close advisors, concluded by saying, “Alex, how about sending a cable to Seth Bainbridge and tell him to show cautious interest in North Korea’s new proposal. If that response gets any traction with the group, I’ll personally fly to Beijing to encourage the deal forward. I think we may be onto something here.”
CHAPTER 9
FATEFUL JOURNEY
“Death and sorrow will be the companions of our journey...”
Winston Churchill
*
“Phil, I’ve thought about this and I believe my personal presence in Beijing will add some authenticity to our proposals to bring this phase of the negotiations to a close. None of my predecessors have been willing to put their prestige on the line for this. What have I got to lose?” questioned President Jonathan Braxton.
“I could evoke some dark humor here, sir, but I won’t,” replied Philip Johnson, as the two men sat quietly in the Oval Office. “Any foreign travel entails risks, both physically and politically. Asia is way down on my list of places I think it’s safe for you to travel. However, I know you feel strongly about this, and I’ve never been one to try to talk you out of a decision. Talk you into, maybe, but out of, no!” he smiled knowingly.
The President returned the smile and nodded in agreement. “Maybe we can make my presence somewhat more subtle by making it a portion of a larger comprehensive trip to Asia. I was thinking about starting in Chicago and picking up some of the Boeing people, flying to Seattle for a plant tour, proceeding to Tokyo with the Boeing people for a sales promotion visit, and then flying on to Beijing for more of the same. This would also give me the opportunity to make some remarks about the negotiations and put the weight of my presidency behind that.” Philip Johnson thought for a moment and replied, “Mr. President, even the cynic in me can’t find fault in that. Who could find an ulterior motive with a sitting president touting the export of one of our most famous products to some of our largest customers? I think it’s brilliant.”
“Sure you’re not patronizing me, Phil? You know I don’t like that,” said Braxton good naturedly.
“It’s a great compromise, sir. I’m still not in love with playing footsie with the North Koreans.”
“I’ve always appreciated your healthy skepticism, Phil, but you’re not a risk-taker...I’ll bet you’re all-in with bonds,” Braxton chuckled. “Come on upstairs and have a drink so we can rough this trip out.”
*
Upon hearing that the Americans were preparing a major new counterproposal in response to the DPRK’s hints of concession and compromise, General Fhang recalled Foreign Minister Lee to Pyongyang for strategic consultations. They met in General Fhang’s residence on the grounds of the compound formerly occupied by the Chong family and many of their extended family. Before getting into the substance of the Arms Negotiations, General Fhang wanted to make it clear to Minister Lee Rho-yim that he was completely in charge of both the People’s Army and the political apparatus of the DPRK. This reality demanded personal loyalty on the part of Generals, Ministers, and on down to common bureaucrats, as a price to retain their jobs and what little freedom they enjoyed as North Koreans. Although Fhang professed that the Brilliant New Light was a sign of change from the oppression of the Chongs, he did have one thing in common with them; Fhang was determined to keep his power for the rest of his life, and unlike the Chongs before him, he cared little about who or what succeeded him.
Rather than convey that message personally, Fhang decided to have his second in command, General Rhee Jo-ki, speak to the Foreign Minister about the indelicacies of negative repercussions from any disloyalty that might be detected by General Fhang or any of his close staff. This would free the General to discuss policy with his minister without conveying any stress about the recent power changes. General Rhee met Foreign Minister Lee privately before taking him in to meet General Fhang.
“Good morning Minister, please sit down.” General Rhee remained standing and began. “Let me be blunt before you and General Fhang get to the business about the negotiations. The Chong dynasty in the DPRK is over. The unworthy grandson, having abhorrence for the discipline of governance, and his family are now living in Switzerland by his own choice. The weaker, younger grandson, having formerly lived with whores and other sub-human weaklings in a Southeast Asian country
, and most recently easily intimidated by the Dear Leader’s female sibling and her husband, has been sent to a labor camp for indoctrination by General Fhang. His crime was not living up to the responsibilities to the people required of a supreme leader of our country. The aforementioned greedy relatives have been appropriately rewarded for their treasonous behavior. Please be clear, there will be no return of the Chongs. There is now a Brilliant New Light in North Korea orchestrated by General Fhang. You may either choose to be an enthusiastic participant in this new age, or join the Chong family and those loyal to them in ignominy. There will be no discussion of the relative merits of this situation publicly or privately. I will need your decision about your future direction of loyalty immediately, before any meeting with the General. Any detection of personal disloyalty, now or in the future, will be dealt with swiftly and there will be no appeal,” he concluded grimly.
Foreign Minister Lee had been a supporter of the Chong family out of practical necessity but had no affection for them. However affection and loyalty were frequently mutually exclusive. He owed his considerable success to the Chongs and grudgingly acknowledged this, if only to himself. In contrast he knew little of General Fhang except he had engineered a skillfully swift overthrow of the Stalinist government of the Chongs and was now totally in control of the DPRK. Lee knew it would be futilely reckless for him to express anything other than total fealty toward General Fhang, and even then there was always the chance that Fhang and his close group of zealous advisors found him either politically suspect, or had some member of their coterie in mind to take his place. Lee mentally crossed his fingers and replied, “Of course, General Rhee, General Fhang has done the Korean people a great service by delivering them from the Chongs, and I am his loyal and enthusiastic subject. How may I continue to be of service as the Brilliant New Light illuminates our homeland?”